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Leader (1850-1860), 4th February 1854, Edition 1 of 1, Page 109, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      PRINCE ALBERT . The truth respecting Prince Albert has now been stated by Ministers—his position towards Ministers , and his position with regard to the Sovereign . It appears that Prince Albert does interfere in political affairs , but does not interfere as a Minister , and does not hold correspondence with the English Ministers at foreign courts . In all these respects the explanation is complete , and it is only to be regretted that the first assertions on the subject should have been left to those who had imperfect information or malignant motives . A pamphlet , which is ascribed to an officer of

      the Privy Council , recently explained that Prince Albert gave his advice as a subject and Privy -Councillor , being responsible for it in both capacities in the same way that any other Privy Councillor , or a Cabinet Minister , is responsible . This as denied by a legal authority of the highest Tank : Lord Campbell says that Prince Albert advises the Sovereign , not as Privy Councillor , but as Consort , ad an " alter ego . * Lord Aberdeen , Lord John Bussell , and Lord Derby concur in representing Prince Albert as having been recommended to the Sovereign for an adviser by

      Lord Melbourne ; as having been introduced into the closet where the Queen holds conferences with her Ministers by Sir Robert Peel ; as taking an active share in guiding the Judgment and action of the Sovereign ; and , m point of fact , as acting in the capacity designated by Lord Campbell . How far such a position is compatible with the freedom which Prince Albert must enioy as a G-erman Prince , of holding communication -with his royal relatives and friends at foreign courts , we do not know ; but we do know that his intervention in the affairs of this country , as the

      Consort ox the reigning Sovereign , and the father of a future Sovereign , conducted as that intervention is , with the frank knowledge and concurrence of Ministers , is a very different thing from the secret influence and intrigumginterference ascribed to him in the charges that were made . The constitutional question is a subject for more deliberate consideration ; but the graver and specific charges have , it appears to us , been fully met . That those charges were deserving of attention , —that in fact they challenged full explanation , is proved by the fact that Ministers have taken pains to explain the

      matter " quite distinctly in both Houses of Parliament . If it had been explained earlier , much , of the inconvenience arising from these aspersions would have been prevented . Ministers are aware of tbe inconvenience resulting from a slavish adherence to the established precedents . They should find out some means of employing an organ to diffuse correct information during the recess of Parliament . It cannot be difficult to do so . Either the London Qazette , improved in its management and mode of publication , might be used for the purpose : or , as manifest inconvenience

      attends the daily publication of an organ that must vary greatly in its amount of contents , a more convenient course might consist in authorising some journal already devoted to Ministers to institute an official part *' for the purpose of promulgating official information and views . Had such a machinery existed , it would have been quite possible , weeks ago ^ J ^ Lg ive an explanation as distinct as that which Lord John Russell furnished for the Hoywre of Commons-Believing in the assurance of Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell , that Prince Albert

      employs his influence strictly as an English statesman , without connexion abroad , " we cannot regret ' that a spirit snch as that which he has manifested should be placed where it can so benefically exercise its power . Long before this question , arose , we had taken occasion to point out the original force and the consistent perseverance with which Prince Albert has introduced a tone of true piety and high philosophy into the survey of public affairs ; and if the same spirit is introduced into politics , as well as in the subjects of arts and material improvement , so much the better for the State .

      Untitled Article

      THE CONFERENCE ON STUIKES AND LOCK-OUTS . \ Vrc are not sure whether those who assembled at the invitation of the Society of Arts , to discuss strikes and lock-outs , -were disposed to rest the discussion on its true grounds ; but we are sure that the form in which the questions were submitted to the inciting prevented it from approaching the true pro liid for discussion . Amidst several theoretir-al questions which were bundled together in the three proposition-, there were lour questions of a

      practicable nature—Whether the law of limited liability in partnership would tend to supersede combinations ; - whether any legislative provision would control obviously detrimental combinations ; what means would be likely to terminate strikes and lock-outs : and what should be the mode of determining the value of labour by piecework or by share of profits P There was no time to discuss the last question , which , several in the meeting regarded as the most important . Several speakers throw out the idea of courts of

      arbitration as a substitute for strikes . The question of legislative interference with combination was suffered to drop ; and the meeting passed a resolution in favour of limited law and partnership . But the discussion went upon many other things . Mr . Newton , for example , contended that combinations , and even strikes , are the only resources of the men ; but that lock-outs are unjustified , because they are joined by masters who have no complaint against their own hands . They are unjust , said Mr . Newton ; others said the same .

      Ihere would be no necessity fox strikes , said another speaker , if the masters would only treat their hands as men , and not as machinery . Combinations are a lamentable necessity , said Mr . John Petty , because moral considerations ate not admitted in transactions between masters and men . There is much truth in ail these positions ; but they fail to attain any practicable result , because they present an extraordinary mixture of really separate considerations . Jin the actual state of society , in the feelings

      which masters and men entertain towards each other , the only common ground upon which they really stand is the commercial ground . We do not mean to say that they ought only to stand on that ground , but we do mean that there is no other ground common to both sides ; and in a dispute there never can be a conclusion until both sidles consent to discuss the subject on « common ground . Until they do , it is like & fight between a dog and a fish , which can never - terminate , because neither places itself upon a ground upon which both sides have a chance of victory . On the commercial ground they do meet , and Mr .

      is no coercion in the world that can cominandhir feelings , —can make him respect one whom fe © does not respect , feel sympathy wb . « n his- %£ affip tiard , or care for the interest of Ms : fellow tSeforS nis own . Nor can he be made to do these iiniirij # by c « striking " : you ctaraot route a man * s goodfeelings by appealing to his bad feelings . m"bumay do it by disregarding his bad impuu ^ a ; aild appealing straightway to his better instincts , ; -If you can make him feel the chivalrous desire toaid rather than to oppress the helpless , and if you can recal the natural "affection which man has hwin&n until artificial habits intervene , you may induce him to be generous , and to regard his fellow creature more as a brother than as a part of a

      manufacturing machine . But' in order to do that * you yourself must become competent * & haiidle questions of religion , of chivalry , of natural affection ; and , again , in order to do that , you yourself must be religious , chivalrous , and affec ^ biufte You must be what individuals are in many clis&etr , but what , we fear , does not represent tHe typo either of a factory hand or of a factory owner * In either case the result cannot be attained by c 6 n > test or coercion . ' ¦ " ¦ -- . <" ¦ . ¦¦ •'¦ ¦ ' ^ - ¦ ¦ - ^^ v ^';^ . Again , the question of right pr justice is reSlly beside this matter upon any grpi ^ d up ^ nlwiie K any class would consent to discuss it . Wioni ; or injustice , only exists as the violation of a ^ # . Now , what law have the masters violated in lock ^

      ing theirmills ? No commercial law ^ MBfitfife ingtheir mills ? No conMoercial-l ^ wfHGf'Wj& persons -wish them * to coriduct ? their ^ b ^ iiieai ^^ -iirate of wages which their ledger or their own judgment does not authorise ; tte TObpw ^ ittt ^ J 9 for them is to suspend business , or to abandon it altogether . It may be said , indeed , that tiiero ought to be no dvUised wuntry m which those who are industriously inclined are ^;^ JM | Nt employment . Most true ; but Governments and those who make laws distinctly repudiate tiie obligation of securing the employment for thep ^> ple wiev &

      -v uey uo wunje , — «« . awny xrpm ine sp « opfe the only thing outof which man can ge ^ hislivelihood ; they take away tne land from the people ^ and then tell the people to trust to self-reliance . " 2 Tdw self-reliance is a fine thing in anew country , where a man has only to digj to htuit ^ or to gather fruits , in order tolive by the sweat of his brow : ; but when a maji is lcep ^ lrbn ^ i ^ e ^^ to which he is born , and told to trust W nis selfreliance , he might answer , very fairly , Can ! hunt over my self-reliance ; can I ' plough niy : 'self * re 1-

      anue , can x get anjcning ^ wnaTOver ^ BUDBtanuai out of my self * reliance , while you kee ^ p nx > m , note the land , with which , by my self-reliance , I could work , and while you do not give nie that ^ emiJloyment upon which I could exercise my self * reliah <» f But how would the Society of Artehavetolerated the discussion of a question involvug ^ the natiiral right of man to the laad upon : whlehhe . is born- ? Admit the fight of access to the land or of employment , and still the case agaiirtt the master * 'is not made out . " Upon what plea can the working classes call upon any individual to make good ! tiie defect of the state r Mr . Miller , for example ^—

      how is he responsible ? In this iree country-has he not a right to build a mill , or not to build it , as he pleases ; he can put machinery in it of anjr kind that he chooses , to make buttons , cotton , peg tops , engines , or baby jumpers , juBfr as he pleases ; he may open his doors and proclaim that any one may enter Ms mill to assist in making cottons , peg tops , engines , or baby jumpers , on whatever terms he , Miller , may oner , '—10 s . an hour , if he pleases , or a farthing ; for a day , be being answerable only for the consequences to himself of offering lavish wages or such as would

      keep his mill empty and motionless . Though , while excluded from the land , the people ought to have employment , still they have no claim individually upon Miller ; who pays his taxes like other people , and obeys the dictate of tlie representatHre Government . There is no question of justice be «» tween Miller and those persons having a claim . upon the community . He is unjust only if he deceives them , breaks his word , or uses some power meant for one purpose to coerce men for another ;

      as for instance , if , being churchwarden , he should exclude men from church in order to force them into his mill . So long as he limits himself to the spontaneous opening of mills , he may offer any terms he pleases , however preposterous , and be only a donkey for his pains , without rightly inewr ~ ring nny blame for injustice , because he does not do for the people that which the State neglects to do . Miller is not Britannia , and is not bound to pay her debts , or make good her defaults . . There are , we will repeat , other considerations

      Edwin Hill was quite right when he said that , on that ground , it is the interest both of masters and men to agree upon a common line—the line at which , wagves should be determined as being neither too , high nor too low . It is a common fallacy , said Mr ! Pryme , late Professor of Political ( Economy at Cambridge , that wages and profits rise and fall in / inversely to each other ; that is , that wages are low when profits are high , and profits are low when wages are high . It must always be remembered , in treating the imperfections of Adam Smith , that he

      was the first writer on political ceconomy , and that mistakes were inevitable . Had he lived now , he would have corrected that position , and would have said that wages and profits are directly as to the demand , and inversely as to the cost of production ; that is , when an article is greatly in demand , and its production is not very costly , both wages and profits are high ; and either will be higher in proportion as managing tact or labour are least easily procured . These , however , are laws which , do not depend upon the choice of any lvivu ui uoiu oi masters

      « n , mm we iwjts , ana wotkmen must be to find out what , in the existing state of the labour-market and the produce market , is the value of labour or of capital ; for mistakes made at one time , will have to be corrected at another . If capital or labour takes too much to itself at one day , at a subsequent day it will-be fined , and will have to return the surplus in the form of reduced wages or profits . On commercial grounds , therefore , the whole question is one of fact , and the onl y clue to give the highest wages is proper information as to the real market value of labour- There should be prices-current of

      labour , exactly as there are prices-current of sugar , cotton , or any other article . There are , however , more than commercial considerations . There is , for example , the moral question mooted by Mr . Petty . Men ought to treat their fellow-creatures as men , said he , and several other speakers . This is true ; hut it is not a commercial consideration ; it is one resting solely on moral grounds , and depends entirely upon matter of feeling . Now here you get beyond the province of any coercive law . A child can take a liorso to the water , but a thousand men cannot make him drink if he does not feel inclined . Actions may be coerced ; a man may be compelled to pay money ; liis limbs may be tied up ; under the operation of fear he may be forced to dig ; but there

      Untitled Article

      February 4 , 1854 . } THE LEADER . 1 q 9

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 4, 1854, page 109, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2024/page/13/