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    ? ieirs of Mr . Urqunart and the press . I sailed for America , loa-ring the pamphlet for publication . On my return I found that my pamphlet had been greatly criticised in the newspapers of the day .. ^ I found myself , to nrv astonishment , no longer a private citizen engaged in my private business , bat a man of some notoriety ; but I did not find that the pamphlet was denounced and stigmatised as hostile to the interests of England . That pamphlet , from beginning to end , expressed these views : Don t eo to war to maintain the independence and integrity of Turkey , America is the only rival Tttlj have to 'fear in England . Barbarism will not overturn civilisation in these days . With our improvements in machinery , and the discovery of gunpowder , there will never bVanother irruption of the Gotlis . Mv arguments went to

    show that Turkey was a decaying country ; that , for 15 p years before , all the authorities that could be obtained pronounced it to be a declining and decaying country . Well , that crisis ; of the Eastern question blew over . There are now the same instruments at work , and the same arguments used , and we are called upon again , just as we were in 1835 , to maintain tho independence and integrity of the Turkish empire . But we are called up » n to do more , we are called upon to make war against Russia , These are two distinct questions . Our hostility to Bnssia , and a determination to keep Russia within her present boundaries , is a -distinct question , and whether you will maintain the Turk or Mahommedanism as a permanent rate in Europe . ' Ton might if yea liked look at the map and say , * There is Russia ; we will make war against you if yon remove those marks which

    How form your boundary upon Che map . ' Yon might make that declaration ; and I don't say that it is impossible you conld accomplish , your object ; but you mi g ht go to war for it , » nd of this lam certain , that it would be more possible to do that than by any process of war or diplomacy to maintain Turkey as" a ruling Power permanently in Enrope . That is my solemn conviction from all I have read of the country , and upon the authority of those travellers who have visited the country within the last twenty or thirty years . The Russians do not late the English . You will find at St . Petersburg thirty or forty English houses , great mercantile establishments , by far the most influental body of merchants to be found in any part of Europe , for our merchants have been declining as a body , in numbers as well as

    wealth and influence , in all parts except St . Petersburg . Bni there is no hostility in Sussia towards Englishmen . They meet with no such tiling . There is an English club at St . Petersburg , founded pnour principles , called the English Club , and conducted after the manner of yonr club in Mozeley-streeL Thair horse-racing is an imitation of ours in England . You can hardly go into a nobleman ' s nunuV in Russia , but Toti fihd the children given in charge to English nursed ; and 1 do hot know a finer compliment that can be paid to you as a nation . " ' * Now , if-there is not one fact to show that the Russian people or Government entertain any hostility to the English , on what is founded that national outcry which is at the

    present moment raised against Russia ? No doubt it is founded on the fact , that Russia is making an unjust aggression upon a neighbouring State , and upon that question gf the injustice of the Government of Russia towards the Government of Turkey there are no two opinions in this country . If you ask me what my opinion' of " the conduct of the Russian Government or the Russian Czar towards the Government of Turkey lSjIwill say that it is unjust—( hear , hear }—aggressive - ?( £ e £ r , hear )— -unreasonable , and insolent . ( Hear , hear . ) But if you ask me to go further , and to transfer that expression of opinion upon the conduct of Russia into an act by which I shall assume to myself the right and the power to chastise Russia , because she istenjust and ; insolent to her next neighbour , then I -say you have shifted your ground completely , and most show me , first of all , that I , as an Englishman , am invested with the pow « r and responsibility of acting

    as a policeman all over the civilised world . No , you will say , will you allow one Government , one nation , to go and take possession of another without interfering ? Well , that is a principle , and I ask my interrogator in reply , are you prepared to act upon that principle ? because what I ask is that our foreign policy should be settled upon a principle . If yon say you will not allow an act of injustice to be perpetrated by a powerful country upon a weaker country—if you will apply the principle throughout Europe , you must begin in Italy , you must go to Rome , you must go to the Papal States , where yon have a high-spirited population at this moment subjected to the yoke of intervention . Are you prepared to do this as a principle ? If you are not , and I am sure

    you are not , then let us consider the question of Turkey not as a matter of principle , in "which we are called upon to do justice to the whole world , but as a matter of interest to ourselves . Are we called upon in regard to our own safety to do it ? I dismiss the question of our doing justice to all the world without reference to what may be said by a person Breaking in another country , 'Physician , euro thyself'Take the beam out of thine own eye . ' Do not you talk of becoming the protector or a grand seignor in Europe , when you have knocked down one Mahommeaan dynasty like ninepins in India , and have got the Great Mogul himself , who had 100 millions of subjects , shut up in Delhi , the most miserable picture of fallen greatness that was ever exhibited to the world . . . You are afraid thait if Russia comes to Turkey

    and gets possession of Constantinople , she will become a great maritime power , will absorb all the influence of the Mediterranean , and will become dangerous to England . Very well . How will Russia , when she gets possession of Constantinople , acquire all this power ? Constantinople itself wiU not give tbas power , or what have the Turks been doing for the last 400 yoars ? How is it that that country has sunk to a Btato of miserable decreptitude , not capable of protecting its own frontier , or even of defend ing itself against

    its own satraps ? What ia it ? Why , if Russia is to gnin this power and influence at Constantinople , and become a great maritime power , it can only bo by encouraging commerce and increasing her wealth through the means of manufactures and industry . Merchant vessels won't sail X « ady rigged and manned down tho Wolga and Danube bo-Cause Russia possesses this territory . { Hear , hear . ) She must have a merchant navy like all other nations like tho Venetians , the Ajnericans , and the English—alie must huve

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    taJostry and efleTgy , and accumulate wealth through her commercial energy and the skill and intelligence of her artisans ; and before she can do this she roust cease to be a barbarous Power . ( Hear , hear . ) But I defy her to increase her wealth or commerce from Constantinople , but through her commerce with you more than with any other nation . How has America become so great but by sending so many ships to the ports in this country , and the same process must go on with regard to Russia . When Russia shall have arrived at that state of civilisation she will have given a bond of peace that she will not go forth to devastate the world , she will have something at home that will give a hostage for her condnct to the civilised world ; a country cannot become great and rich , and powerful , and remain still a barbarous and dreaded nation

    But are the Turks themselves a commercial people ? Did . ^ ou ever see a Turkish vessel , owned by Turks , and manned y Turks , leaving the ports of Turkey on the peaceful errand of commerce to this or any other country ? -Never ! Can they be called a commercial people when the commerce of Turkey is carried on by Greeks , who daro not carry on their commerce until they go to Russia , and , by acquiring foreign citizenship , seek to be protected from the despotism of Turkey . But we are going to put down Russia for attacking Turkey , and we are told it is our interest to do so , because Russia is an anti-commercial country , and Turkey promotes commerce . ... I will not go to war to lower a tariff , or to prevent a tariff being made higher . I doubt not the truth of the principles 1 profess , and if peace be

    preserved I have no doubt that the principle of free trade which has been so good for us will be found to extend itself throughout the -world . I have that faith in the principle that I will not fight for it at all . " ( Cheers . ) Mr . Cobden contended that as we have pledged ourselves to France and Turkey we are bound to fulfil the pledge . Lord Aberdeen has . acted in a manner for which all must be thankful , as he knew the cost and uncertainty of war . St . Mr . Cobden admitted that war is imminent , and recommended that if we do go to war the expenses of every year shall be paid out of the taxes of the year . u Increase the income-tax to 20 per cent ; , and lower the range from 100 ? . to 507 . a year income . It is better to raise the tax in that way than to put obstructions upon commerce by again adopti iuc uiu ui ihauuuu ic is uut iu

    ng Bjraieui . my vquumuu find the means to pay the expenses of this war . I cannot bring riiy mind to regard it as inevitable . I will not believe it until I read the bulletin of the first battle . I can scarcely think we can be guilty of such folly and wickedness as to say that having work left undone , we shall without doing it begin to talk of war . In place of war we should , pay attention to the necessary domestic and political reforms that are called for throughout the country . When we find it necessary to educate the people and provide for juvenile delinquents , is it not lamentable that we should be plunging into war , when nothing will be heard , of but ^ disasters and the destruction of our enemies , and men ' s minds will be turned from the contemplation of benevolent objects to the indulgence of the fiercest passions « f our fallen nature . " ( Loud cheers . " )

    Mr . Bright made a striking speech against making war on any account , especially making war for sympathy with national wrongd . We are called upon to rush into war as if we were performing the noblest duties . " Now , what are the fact £ ? Russia is a great and grow-Dg empire . It is in the ptogress from barbarism to civilisation . It is in very much the state that all other countries have passed through . On the other hand , Turkey is an empire very large , and considerably populous , bat still it is an empire which is on its way , not from barbarism to civilisation , but from barbarism to decay , an 3 in all human probability to an earlv extinction . Well , a dispute , arises between

    those two countries . I do not fi > r a momenfTpTesuine to differ from the general opinion with regard to the character of the dispute wnich in all probability , if we had never interfered at all , nor given our advice on the question , would be settled long before this—( hear , liear)—by ttoj concessions of Tnrkey , and without war . We are asked if we will join in this fray , and I ask why we are to join in it ? Is it out of sympathy with tho oppressed , or is it for any particular object that this country has in it ? Why , if we are to go to war for sympathy where will jour wars end ? Why did you put an end to the hist war ? Did you leave freedom in

    Europe after tie treaty of Vienna ? \ ou may commence another war to-morrow , and the youngest man living may not see the end of it . Go to war for Hungary if you are inclined in that way ; or go to wax for Lombardy—f Cheers )—or go to war for the victim of Neapolitan tyranny—{ Cheers )—or go to war for those magnanimous men who w ^ re combined in tne government of the late Roman republic —( Cheers )—or go to war for three millions of negroes in bondage in the United States . Look to the bedlamite consequences to wliich you are driven if you hold yourselves obliged to go to war for sympathy . Nothing but confusion could reign all round the circuit of this planet , if that were to be a reason wliy nations should go to war . "

    Mr . Bright insisted that we had as good ground for going to war with the United States on account of her Mexican campaigns , or "with France on account of her African conquests , as with Russia . Mr . Cheetham and Mr . Henry Ashworth addressed the meeting-, and the following resolution was adopted : — " That the members and the leading reformers of tlio district be a committee to watch tho new Reform Hill , nnd to secure Bucham addition to tlie representation of Lancashire as tho wealth , population , and industry of tlie county required . "

    After this the meeting separated . We cannot help thinking Mint the speeches would have been somewhat different had the audience consisted of the public instead of the " employers of labour . " Dejiby . —I > erby gathered in force in the Town-hall on Tuesday to record its sense of the conduct of tho

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    Emperor Nicholas . The meeting was convened and attended by the most respectable inhabitants of Derby . The Mayor presided ; Mr . Bass , M . P . -was present , Mr . Heyworth , M . P ., excused himself . He consorts with Manchester . The Mayor spoke strongly in favour of supporting Turkey by war . Mr . Bates , Mr . Moss , Mr . Parkinson , Mr . Bass , Mr . Etches , all ; ook similar views ; and the subjoined hearty resolutions were unanimously carried : — " That this meeting , in common -with the great majority of the people of this country , has viewed with feelings of indignation the lawless violence manifested by the Russian autocrat in his unjust and aggressive attacks upon the rights and independence of our faithful ally , Turkey . That we

    consider this country bound by every principle of honour and duty , no less than by an imperative sense of what is due to our own interests , to adopt active , energetic , and effective measures ( in conjunction with France ) to co-operate with the Turks in destroying the fleets , armies , and fortresses of this aggreHor , allowing them to reimburse themselves , at his expense , for the cost of the war , and affording to those nations , which have been by his former treachery and violence deprived of their nationality , an opportunity of recovering the same , and re-establishing themselves as kingdoms under their own national governments . That any compromising policy carried on by the aid of secret diplomacy will tend to dishonour the British nation , be destructive of her material interests , and injure the cause of liberty , justice , and humanity throughout Europe . " ( Cheers . )

    The meeting tfien adopted a petition to Parliament , and an address to the Sultan . One paragraph in trie former is remarkable , especially as the Rev . Mr . Griffiths took part in the proceedings . It refers to ttie iniquitous war now waged by Russia . " This war is being carried on under the cloak of reli g ion , but your petitioners believe that tie real design of Bussia is the conquest and subjugation of the Turkish dominions , and that if Russia succeeds in this unjust and cruel plot , Turkey will lose her nationality and her freedom ; Christianity in tbat empire will be debased into a servile submission to the Russian despot ; civil and religious liberty , the very foundation of Christianity , will be destroyed ; the extensive and increasing commerce between England and Turkey will be mined , and Europe will again be involved in a bloody and expensive war . "

    Mr . Griffiths called upon Ministers to state whether Prince Albert had or had not interfered unconstitutionally in the Government . Rochdale . —Mr . Miall met his ' constituents on Wednesday evening . After reviewing the Session of 1853 , he came to the Eastern question . He confessed that deeply as he sympathised with the objects of the Peace Society , lie had never been thoroughly abl « to compreh end the soundness of their principles . He could not accept the non-resistance principle without pursuing it to its logical conclusion—the abolition of all governments . Government , as he understood it , was the application of the organised physical farce of a people with a view to the administration of justice between man

    and man , and if that organised physical force might be properly applied to right that which was wrong , then , he thought it might be properly applied to resist the wrong-doing . And if we might resist , we must resist up to the amount that was necessary to overcome all opposition . But while he was not a member of the Peace Society he had taken a voluntary and active part in the Peace Congress , tbat is to say , he lrad felt it his duty to do everything in bis power to teach the people the folly , the wickedness , and . the miserable consequences of war ; to put down as much as possible all the incitements to war ; to endeavour to come to an arrangement with European Powers to diminish or to dismiss their several armaments , and to insert clauses into every treaty

    that questions of dispute should be submitted to arbitration , and be by arbitration decided . He believed this to be a perfectly rational course . He looked upon war not as the very greatest evil which human beings could be subject to , but as a calamity the full amount of which none could possibly estimate . He knew well that an over-acting despotism and tyranny might produce in the end perhaps more wickedness and more demoralisation , and infinitely more misery , than even war itself . Rat with all , lie did think it the duty of every honest man , and of every Christian man , to beware of giving the slightest sanction to . a war policy until he was fully satisfied in li ^ s own mind that the war was a matter

    of necessity and a matter of self- < lefence , which on the whole would be beneficial to the interests of humanity at large . Mr . Miall noticed tike merits of the Eastern question , and while condemning tlie Czar as a tyrant and a bally , doubted whether we were "wise in going to war in support of the Ciovernment of Tuikey . If , however , this country had induced Turkey to proceed as far as she had done , he was certainly for fulfilling our pledges and maintaining the national honour ; and it we were to have war , he was an advocate for going ; rigorously to work . He saw no reason why a war should liinilex us in the work of perfecting our institutions , nor why a reform bill should not be brouglitPfonvartl as soon as Parlinmeat opened .

    lirighton . —A meeting was held at Brighton on Thursday , for " the purpose of petitioning Parliament to impress upon the Government the necessity of rendering such assistance to Turkey as shall enable her to repel the Russian invasion , and maintain the integrity of the Ottouwm Empire . " We are not yet acquainted with the upshot . The following letter has been hnmled to us for publication : —

    "To M . a . toic Fawcictt , Chaikman . '' My drak Slit , — I regret being unable to attend the demonstration tlii .-s evening in favour of Turkish indej > endunt'e , in consequence of an accident while hunting . 41 Will you do me the favour of reading tho following very brief observations to the meeting : " I am anxious to j > i > iiU out ilnvt the real question is not one rnerelv of j . euct * or wnr , us Mr . Cobden , lit the Kefonu Ilnmiuet i » t Manchester ( in rt'nlity ; v meeting of the l ' eaco

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    76 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 28, 1854, page 76, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2023/page/4/