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Leader (1850-1860), 28th January 1854, Edition 1 of 1, Page 89

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      monarchy is the only sufficient guarantee of the safety of the throne . II . Liberal promises , under the constitutional mask , are held to be useful as means of obtaining from the G erman people the sacrifices necessary to the safety of the throne s * XII . The immutable object is the annihilation of the constitutional principle : if there be no other possibility , by war against constitutional Powers , i ' erish Germany that the right divine may be saved ! Such was the policy of the Prussian Court from 1815 till shortly before the Kevolution of 1848 . In a third article we shall describe the Prussian policy since the German Revolution ; glancing , by the way , at the singular activity of the Minister of the British Court to the King of Prussia in 1849 , B . [ Errata . —la the first article on '' The German Powers , " fin > t column , " last line , instead of " unofficial , " read " semiofficial . " Second column , line 22 from below , instead of '' Prussian , " read li . Russian . " Fourth column , line 25 , instead of " near neighbours , " read " near royal neighbours . " 3

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      THE GOVERNING CLASSES . No . XIX . H . It . H . THE PRINCE OF WALES . We all know the story of the child , who governed the mother , who governed the minister , 'who governed the mistress-, who governed the king . In some such way , the Prince of Wales , though at present but a gentle and beautiful boy of twelve , may be properly included among the Governing Classes . Is that an indecorous suggestion of Court influence ? Horror of Court influence is at present very popular ; and , among the people , not very comprehensible . We can understand the aristocracy , or a section of the aristocracy , cultivating a dread of Court influence . We can understand the motives of the Whigs

      dethroning James II ., conspiring against William HI ., converting the two first Georges into Doges , and crushing the third George into insanity . But for the British people of this generation to be shrieking at Court influence , is about as judicious as it would have been for the British people of the last generation to have mobbed William IV . when he was hurrying down to Palace-yard , to intimidate the British aristocracy into a Reform Bill . Yet , very curiously ,-the present agitation against Court influence originates in newspapers indisposed to the supremacy of an aristocracy . The Court is railed at by the ingenuous democrats of ludicrously liberal

      great position and a great intellect , is to hold his tongue , is not easily to be ascertained)—that even should her Majesty determine to interest herself in her people , and to stand between her people and the bureau , they would not demand her abdication . They believe , so vast is their confidence in the caste which plunders them , and which accords political votes to 1 , 000 , 000 out of a nation of 30 , 000 , 000 , and which sustains a House of Commons , into which any man can buy his way , but in which only themselves can hold place , that the Queen ought to reign , not to govern ; and there is some national understanding that the nation is to be loyal , on condition of the Sovereign beiag a nullity—an ingenious arrangement adroitly effected by our chivalrous aristocracy .

      " The appearance of power , " said Fox , in a dictum which has been cherished by the Whigs , ?« is all that jv Sovereign of this country can expect ; " and though it has been now and then ascertained that her Majesty , at intervals , insists upon such precautions as may prevent the honour of her name and nation being tarnished by the tricks of foreign secretaries revelling in the cheats of secret diplomacy , the little liberal journalists magnanimously consent to overlook such manifestations in the perhaps not altogether authorised assurance that these are unaccountable episodes—not an organised system . But what the little liberal journalists , speaking in the name of the people which never heard of them , will not stand—this they distinctly declare in italics—is ,

      that Prince Albert should have any influence over the monarch who is permitted now and then to govern ; and even that great national journal ( which is horrified at the immoral inconsistency of the career of Mr . Disraeli * but which ingenuously contradicts itself every other day ) which has undertaken the defence of the Prince from a newspaper screech that has found no echo whatever in the country , has accompanied its vindication with a menace , and has proved that the Prince has not exercised power because , being a foreigner , England , winch governs itself , would not allow of foreign intervention . The confusion of constitutional principles , exposed in such a controversy , is a curious illustration of the marvellous perfectibility arrived at in our century and in our country .

      policy—a supposition which must of course be insane—then the snarls of inconsequent democrats and impatient Tories would l » ut produce this effect : —compre . 38 Court influence into more caution , and make it only the more powerful . If the Great Britons are in earnest in their admiration for their Queen , tkeyiinjght , one would think , confide in her so far as to , believe that she prefers England to Russia . If they do not confide in her , they might be less vehement in their loyalty .

      The affectation , of . distinguishing between the Queen and the Prince is hardly worthy of so peculiarly free a people as we are , with so outspoken , though so limitedly circulating a liberal press , as we ' enjoy . The Prince is the Court ; and what the Court has done in British politics , must have been done at the instance of the Prince . No one knows what the , Court has done ; not till 1 O 0 years after his death will this enlightened nation know anything of the precise : policy of the great Prince Albert , who * as his special mission ,, undertook to soften the manners of the English with ingenious arts . But that he has

      a precise policy , is very probable ; it would be very odd if a man , with such a position for observation * with such , universal knowledge , and with such philosophical sympathies ,. had not very strong , and very compact views , upon the best methods of benefiting the English nation ; and for my part , I tbinfc ~ I , who do not perceive the advantages ^ of the , British constitution—that he would l > e unwise , and ungenerous , if , having powers of doing gbbd , he hesitated to- exercise them , " out of an apprehension of the bad grammar of Mr . Grunt , who , as editor of the " Dribble , "* regards himself as legitimate guardian of our noble institutions—which he has . not the least idea of . The objection to Prince Albert seems tq be an objection offered upon a sudden discovery of the

      Prince ' s ability ; and . the rage of the Tories at the Prince Consort suggests a reminiscence of the morr tification of the Cardinals , who lifted into St . Peter ' s chair the Pope who had only affected caducity . Prince Albert did not show lain * self to the English people until two or three years ago p and line great powers , statesmanlike and administrative , which he then , add has ¦ atpftfe exhibited , instead of being- the occasion . of national pride , would « eem , both , vith ^ tlie aristocracyvaiia with the journalists , who can't , get ; tot Cour ^ tp have inspired disgust and distrust . Unexpectedly a great man presented himself * and so complete is the decay of hero-worship , that instead of being ; wel comed , there is' some danger that terrifted . Mediocrity

      will , succeed in inducing ui to repudiate him . The Grunt * of journalism munible that he is a foreigner . As if there was nationality in England ! Scotchmtih and Irishmen , hating one another , and "both detested and despised by Englishmen , rule the JEnglish prefi ; the first man in the House of Commons is a Spanulti Jew ; and our royal house does not boast , or ha $ ntffc to deplore , an ounce of English blood .. ' It is because Prince Albert is a foreigner that he . isiso enlightened , ' it is because he has no connexion , witfc , and cannpjp know sympathy with , the British aristocracy , that the people should trust him , and , by the influence of that trust , wean him from possible family follies and dynastic delusions into a Court Championship of popular rights .

      The heir « fc > the throne must just now be hearing a good deal of the civilised , manner in which oar enlightened press is bullying , our beloved Court . The Prince of Wales has very much Master Donxbey ' s cast of countenance : and ponders probably upon the peculiarities of a press , supposed to represent the public , which cheers one year and hoots thje next j'ear the same personage , that personage remaining in the interval unchanged in character . 'lh \ Prince of Wales enjoys , in tutors and in books , a

      royal road to learning ; but does not contemporaneous experience suggest the advantage that it would be to him , and to the people over whom he is one day to reign , if he were supplied with a definition of the royal prerogative ? At present the popular notion seems to be this : that because the people are impotent , therefore the Crown should be impotent . Jb \> rtunate aristocracy , which can induce such a Realm to have faith in such a Royalty ! N ~ on-Electoh .

      [ At the conclusion of this series of articles we desire to warn our readers : that Non-Elector I ' has taken the foreign view of English politics and English politicians : that we invited bia dissertations simply out of a desire to see the judgment of that Posterity which is supposed tp be encountered in contemporaries , —out of a desire , in fact , to adhere to our rule of hearing all .

      sides : —and that , therefore , we are no more to be held responsible for the writings of * Non-Elector * than for the writings of any other correspondent . We believe the series ifl shortly to be republished in a collected form . Assuredly the independent and original thought , the vigorous and trenchant style , and the herce earnestness of purpose , entitle lt Non-Elector" to a more than ephemeral reputation . —Ed . " Lkadbr . " ]

      This controversy , however , being serious , with probable effects , which may outlive the day , upon Crown and aristocracy , it might be worth the effort of Great Britons to struggle out of shams and to face facts . When the Crown and the people do not thoroughly understand one another , as surely their should in such a reign as Queen Victoria ' s , botih suffer , and only one party gains—the aristocracy . There is much talk of her Majesty ' s " discretion , " and of the Prince ' s " good sense : " is it then true that the proper working of our glorious constitution is left to the chances of individual . proprieties ? It might be shown that if is not the interest of the British

      people to suppress their Sovereign , when their Sovereign is a splendid and a good Sovereign . But , assuming the political wisdom of gag-ging the Queen , for the comfort of the aristocracy , a practical question would be this : —If it be true that the Ministers are responsible to the House of Commons for the public actions of the Government , what matters it what the Sovereign chooses to do privately ? The question implies that the Sovereign is always in favour of a policy which is not the policy of the House of Commons ; and the constitutional safeguard is supposed to be , that as a Ministry cannot do what the House of Commons objects to , a Ministry ,

      selecting between Crown and Commons , will resign rather than oblige a Sovereign who has determined on an unpopular policy . " The power , " saya Lord John Russell of George the Third ' s influence over Lord North , " of a single will was indeed conspicuous ; but the constitution afforded ample means of overruling that will had the Minister obeyed his own convictions , or had the House of Commons been true to the people they represented . " But what of a ease in which the individual will backs the popular will , and seek 9 to constrain into right action a bureaucratic aristocracy , governing by force of a corrupt , or corruptly-elected , House of Commons ? That may or may not be the case ab present : it may , however , be the ease at some future period , as it "was in 1830 , and at some future period the people may

      miss the support the present Court might be inclined to give . But at the present period , what if Queen Victoria does write private despatches , and the Prince telegraphs to King Leopold , and nudges Lord Aberdeen ? The House of Commons governs us , it is supposed ; at least , that is the constitution : and relying upon our independent representatives , we shall be strong enough to treat Court machinations as the burly husband treated his ^ Cantippe who "beat him—it amused her , and did not hurt him . And , if on the other hand , Court influence does affect the course of human affairs , and Court influence is not approved of , should not some better machinery be resorted to for constitutional preservation than that of journalists , who , however they rave , cannot get read ? Wore it indeed a fact that the- present Court is in favour of a policy which is not an English

      journals , as though it were a notorious fact , familiar to ourselves , and patent to Europe , that we are aa elaborately self-governed people . The Liberalsthose who , not enjoying its advantages , would break down the Venetian constitution—might have some slight excuse for their simple terrors ; , if the House of Commons , which can at least ask questions , though they are never really answered , were now sitting . But a recess , in which the only topic is our foreign policy , is a period in which secret diplomacy has full swing ; when a Government , which consists

      exclusively of the aristocracy , or of their champions , governs absolutely irresponsible . With the conduct of the British' Government in the East , the British people has as little to do , as has the Russun people with the conduct of the Russian Government in the East ; if there is any difference in the respectability of the position of the two peoples , it being in favour of the Russians , who at least cheer their Czar , while Uiq English , wfth the degraded humour of impotent spite , caricature their Prime Minister .

      In a recess , in regard to foreign policy , the English aristocracy enjoys ail the dignity of a sway of Absolutist Government ; the people ' s privilege of a free press , not considerably affecting the aristocracy ' s independence , since there is only one national daily paper with a circulation of above four figures , and that paper is the organ of the Governing Classes . Under 9 uch circumstances , it might bo supposed that the British people : who for some years have idolised their Court , and with more justice than a loyal people ever yet had ; who must believe tliat in a Court

      there must be more noble nationality than in a class : would have rejoiced upon being assured that a Court whom they trusted was tempering : the policy of a Prime Minister whom they suspected , and of a Foreign Secretary whom they contemned . But no : the British people trades on in the conviction that they , and not a bureau , are negotiating with Russia ; and their enlightened morning press , which they never happen to Tend , writes doughty inuendoes , that this is a limited monarchy , and that—O , amazing democrats !—the aristocracy must not be

      interfered with ! In the history of Political literature and that of this bewildered country is often very funny—never was there anything so sublimely eilly . These surprising journalists would , however , urge that their restricted raid is not ugainst the Crown , but against Prince Albert ; convicted of imbecility , it is , in fact , their defence that they arc impertinent to the Prince because they are so loyal to the Queen . ¦ Ihey leave us to infer — generous journalists—( though , -why a dull dog with n thousand readers should dictate in politics , while a Prince , with a

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      January 28 , 1854 . ] THE LEADER . $ & ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 28, 1854, page 89, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2023/page/17/