Current:

Leader (1850-1860), 21st January 1854, Edition 1 of 1, Page 60, Untitled Article

Page 60
Page 12
12 of 24

On this page

  • Text (4)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      France , and obliged to stand alone , -we should perhaps in that very fact find a higher good than ire can now anticipate . The noblest sight in the » rorld would ho a great war , in which Britain , rousing onlythe peoples to her aid , should find inrayed against ner under Russian colours all the dynasties and all the di p lomacies . Such a war frottld be precisely that kind of moral education yrhich Great Britain requires ; and in such a war , if forced to it , she would assuredly conquer .

      Untitled Article

      ABMAND BERTIN . PBENCH AHD ENGLISH JOUBKALI 8 M . JyHMANx > Bkbtlk followed to his grave by a crowd of the most illustrious names in France suggests at once a consolation and a contrast . Men of all Opinions from Legitimist to Republican , statesmen , diplomatists , notabilities of finance , of the Academy , of literature , science , and the arts—men wltose fame is as universal as the French languagewere there to honour with their respectful lamentations the tomb of the journalist , cut off almost suddenly in the , vigour of his active years . It may ; bei that this significant expression of regret ,

      this touching testimony of admiration and esteem . ^ 38 , in . part at least , a protest eloquently mute against that system of Government which treats all independent thought as a natural enemy , and reduces the contest of open and honest discussion tp a guerilla of allusions ; mutilating what it dare npt proscribe , and seeking to corrupt where it has failed to conquer . Assuredly this funeral processionhas proved that even in days of darkness and servility , the embers of public spirit are still -smouldering , and if brute force has it / hour of role * andt material interests their day of worship

      writers who create that grand and free public opinion—who supply the thought , the taste , the spirit of the community—who stir the national pulses , and defend , unsleeping , the public liberties ? In languid and apathetic times how depressing their burden , in seasons of excitement and difficulty how poignant their sense of responsibility "What is the position of the English publicist P It will be said that the anomalous and unrecognised status of a public writer in England is due to the anonymous shield under which he

      combats ; and in this assertion there is much truth . The very word anonymous , when we spealc of private writing , is a stigma , "but it must not be forgotten that in public journals the anonymous means simply the impersonal—in other words , the thought , not the thinker ; the principle , not the sect ; measures , not men . We are no advocates of the anonymous , but it must be confessed that , as a system , it admits of justification . The usual arguments in its favour , we hold to be utterly

      ridiculous , except in the case of journals whose power rests on want of principle . Surely in this country sincerity of conviction will always be trusted , and energetic ability always honoured , under whatever signature . To admit the contra ^ , ¦ would be to confess a degree of servility to which we would hope society , with all its " snobbisin , " has not yet sunk . We believe that the social position of the press in England is to be attributed rather to the degiading want of self-respect in the

      witers . Prom Defoe to Disraeli there have been high numes in English journalism , but they have perished unknown , because they never had the courage of their position . It is to the honour of Mr . Disraeli that he , a Minister of the Crouro , confessed himself in the House of Commons " a gentleman of the press . " But his words were jeered at as an escapade .

      The treatment of a member of the press in England is the exact opposite to the treatment in France . If he is known , which only happens by accident , he is not recognised , or is recognised as occupying only an inferior position socially . If a man enjoys . any social position , it must be upon so > me other ground . The remark is a reproach , not _ against society on behalf of the press , but against society in common with the press . The fa ^ t ar ises from the cause common to both . It is

      that in England social position depends chiefly , and almost solely , upon money wealth . High birth , political power , brilliant talents , or even virtue , may add a lustre to wealth ; but wealth alone suffices to outshine all the others separated from it . Now it mostly happens that the " gentleman connected with the press " has talents , but no wealth or political power . If any such power be acquired it belongs to the capitalist part of the paper , not the literary . And the men themselves

      too commonly aid this social tendency "by their own tuft-hunting . They sell their abilities at so much per piece , and in lieu of taking the social influence which their independenc e , accompanied by masterly ability , could give , they prefer to steal into society upon sufferance , or other prer texts . Their writing illustrious , themselves obscure , they leave the world unmissed ; for if the minister of the press expires , the journal never ( lies .

      The consequence is , that the press exercises far less influence inJSngland than properly belongs to it , because it fails to draw to itself influences * that it might include . It views the world from the closet , and treats it as a thing apart , critically . In France , in India even , the newspaper has been an office for public business , and there is a direct relation between the writers of the day and the action that is going on outside . Thus the press is the direct and complete reflex of the public countenance and action . In England it is more of a toy , and is treated with contempt , even by those who use it . Read Mr . Cobden ' e letters to

      Alexander Somerville , instructing him to try to get ' ' to this or that newspaper , as a means of writing at Protection , where it could not have been directly attacked ; and then tee what the trading classes of England think of the press . The statesinan class notoriously despise it . Occasionally one hears of a minister who " never reads a newspaper ; " they "use it as a channel of publicity , but they accept it us an organ of nothing ; and they are right . Each newspaper represents a certain unknown nnd undefined class of subscribers , who more or less avgree With its tenets ; but the body of the press reflects nothing , is authorised to speak for nothing , and has no tangible position .

      , there still burns beneath the surface of that shattered soil of France a , secret hut deep devotion to Iftercause of intellectual liberty , and the courage of tibe pen is still honoured in a city over which the sword holds arbitrary sway . 2 But for ourselves that crowd in the Church of St . Thomas Aquinas has other teachings . The life ' not less , than the death of Abmasp Bebttn

      slteds lustre and dignity on the profession of journ&lisni . With a proud but never ostentatious humility , the late chief editor of the Journal des Debate was content to be a journalist and nothing more . Courted and caressed by ministers of State , exposed to the dissolving smiles of Royalty , he neipr yielded' up the dignity and sincerity of his jittirnal to the caprices of statesmen or the cajoleries of the Court .

      Politically a conservative by instinct , by predilection , by family tradition , he lent a conscientious , never a servile , support to the Government of July ; a . support all the more precious that it was untainted by any favour or condition . As the conductor of a journal he was unrivalled , not onl y in those indispensable qualities of vigilance , activity , perseverance , but in those rarer but inestimable advantages of tact and sympathy . It ¦ was to this exquisite fact , and to this expansive sympathy , that Abmastd Bebtix owed a profound and affectionate influence over his devoted

      find distinguished band of fellow-workers , who , while he lived , made his path easy and bis labour light by zealous and energetic co-operation , and urben he died spoke of him with tears as a loved find honoured chief , whose memory they would honour best by continuing his work , as if his familiar presence were still among them to strengthen and to guide . . How noble a tribute to a noble life ! And thus , in Aemakd Berto * , French journalism sorrows over one who impersonated in its highest expression the power , the courage , and the

      independence of the press . Other men had climbed to rank ^ and office by the press , and then had basely kicked the ladder down . Abmand Beutin remained , and was proud to remain , a simple journalist . An English journal , in commenting upon his life and labours , remarked that in France the press had often exercised an authority never paralleled in En gland . This is true , and it may be attributable , partly no doubt , to the state of French political and social relations since the

      great Revolution ; but , we believe , even more fco the fact tliat in France the press has been a recognised profession , and has known how Co respect itself . We do not pretend that the French press has been always free from violence , from corruption , from extravagance ; but wo do say that it has never been carried on like a trade of contrabandists , as we have seen in the classic land of the grandest and freest public opinion in the world . What ought to be the position of the public

      Untitled Article

      TILE COMMON SENSE OF THE ALBERT QUESTION . Thosk journals which profess rather to take the side of the Court in treating the stories about Prince Albert , assume a position that is extremely unfortunate for their client ; and Mr . Roebuck , who has declined the office of questioner , indiscreetly ascribed to him without Tus authority , is not free from some of the questionable taste and reasoning which appear to cling to this unhappyaffair . At first we were inclined to reward the

      stories as being visionary—mere gossip ; subset quently , we supposed them to be exaggerationsfictions founded upon fact , the facts being of no great importance , and the fictions very fussy ; but our view has been modified , in . the first place by the total absence of contradiction where contradiction was easy ; Becondly , by occurrences very like an admission of the accusatory statements ; and lastly j by the peculiar form of contradiction , if contradiction it can be called . The Times professes to give the pith of the stories : —

      " ¦ It has been Baid that Prince Albert has cancelled instructions prepared by the Ministers at home for Lord Stratford at Constantinople ;—it has been said that , when Ministers refused to admit of these alterations , the Prince despatched a messenger on his own account to the East , concurrently with the emissary of the Foreign-office , and in contradiction of tlio despatches of which he was the bearer ; —it has been said that Prince Albert warned the Russian Ambassador of the contemplated movement of the combined fleets into the Black Sea , nnd thus enabled the Czar to save his ships by withdrawing them to Scbastopol;—it has been said that the reigning Prince of Saxe Coburg , not the Autocrat of all the Russias , is tho ogre of whom united Europe should stand in dread . Saxe Coburg will invade us all , Prince

      Albert preparing the way for the triumph of that great military power by his most ' base , bloody , brutal , ' perfidious machinations . For tho last few weeks tho town has been entertained with such skiinble-sknmble stuff as this . A portion of the press has not been ashamed—though we are ulmost ashamed to record the fact—to give publicity to as silly nnd unsupported a calumny as any which we can remember during a long course of years . What are the proofs ? There can be no proofs of theso charges as they stand at present Has tho Queen turned Queen ^ evidence ?—or Lord Aberdeen ?—or Lord Clarendon ?—or Lord Palmerston ?—or Lord Stratford ? Who heard the order given to ' Jerningham * to bring the garters ? No man of candid mind could originate or for a moment entertain agaiuat liin follow any accusation not susceptible of proof . "

      What " skimble-skamble stuff" may be , we do not know , and avo doubt whether any dictionary would assist us in the research . But what we do know is , that this passage does not include the distinct statements which have been made , and

      Armani) Am. Jjjjixtxxw

      The most remarkable thing about the press in this commercial country , is the readiness with which many members of it consent to incur expenses which they have no means of meeting . Thus every morning journal must come up to the standard of the one , in information and news upon all subjects ; but to do so entails enormous outlays , totally disproportioned to the revenue of several . Now this outlay might easily be met , if there were any sufficient esprit de corps or reciprocity amongst the members of the press ; but

      they prefer to keep separate , each viewing all the rest with jealousy , and withholding the assistance which he could give , rather than aid to receive aid . Competition in search of ts exclusive intelligence" is the mania of journals , where the distinctive peculiarity consists in the doctrine , and style of political advocacy . There is no reason why all the information of journalism should not be consolidated in one ~ bureau , open to all , conducted in common management , and supply all , at something like a

      tenth of the expense now incurred , with an increase of efficiency : but under the impulse of jealousy each prefers to be lord in his own meagre domain , rather than to share the council in a true " republic of letters . " That council would not only save expenditure for purchased information , but vrould be an instrument for securing corporate influence , exchange of ideas , correction of vain and frivolous notions before committing them to print , suggestions of new and useful ideas in a

      generous antagonism ; and , in short , the legitimate resources of newspaper influence might be enormously increased . But newspaper men prefer to live and work separate and obscure , and to forfeit the influence which they might have , in & vain competition to secure each for himself some imaginary exclusive influence . And so the newspaper writer closes his career in an exclusive grave—a separate tomb , whither he is pursued ^ by no admiring train , and where he lies protected from observation l > y impenetrable obscurity .

      Untitled Article

      60 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 21, 1854, page 60, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2022/page/12/