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Leader (1850-1860), 31st December 1853, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1260, Untitled Article

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      prepared for him by many measures of internal reform , and especially by two . Hardenberg ' s emancipation of the land and the peasants had conciliated the affections of the multitude to the throne , and consolidated the internal strength of Prussia . And the military organisation of the country , vyhich renders the people and the army nearly one , also furnished that political system which ,

      Under the hands of a strong popular Government constitutes the most powerful form of national strength . The Zollverein had already drawn round Prussia many of the minor states . Liberals in other states of Germany also regarded Frederick William as a man who would be prepared to introduce amongst them , if not democra tic principles , at all events some such regulated freedom as that which had been familiarized to him

      by his visits to England . We are inclined to suppose that Frederick William would gladly have beep the great constitutional leader of Germany , but his intellect , courage , and will were not strong enough for the place : his hands could not find the heart to relinquish their hold on familiar prerogatives , and after illusory love-letters to his " beloved Berliners , " his cowardice took the common form of cruelty ; he cannonaded the Berliners for their too demonstrative sense of their own political existence , interrupted his own Parliament in its constitutional work , and broke with the revolution which he might have directed . The first

      opportumty was gone . Another was offered : In the little state of Hesse-Cassel , an impotent Prince , literally backed by only one single individual , attempted the most impudent revolution which despotism ever sanctioned . He broke the constitution which Hesse-Cassel had enjoyed . The entire nation—the chambers , the judges , the upper classes , and the lower—the whole population unanimously appealed from the revolutionary King and his Minister , Hassenpflug , to the constitution and to the law . The Prince and his Minister fled . Austria

      advanced with an army to reinstate those two agitators : Prussia advanced on the other side to support the constitution . The armies of Prussia and Austria met—shots were exchanged—Prussia compromised—the Prince was re-enthroned—the constitution was crushed . On that small ground of ^ Hesse-Cassel , Prussia might have fought the battle of Constitutional law against Absolute lawlessness , and the King might once more have been recognised as the true leader of the German people . But the second opportunity was lost .

      The third now offers itself . By the accidents of Russo-Turkish disputation in the East , coupled with the common European sense that Russia has overstrained her insolence , to say nothing of the circumstances which raised questions between Austria and other thrones and their peoples , there is every prospect that the whole of Europe will once more be cast loose for the strongest to take the government . Who shall be the strongest ? The answer of that question would be the prediction of the victory in that war , of the rulers

      that will remain alter the storm . Prussia may be one of those rulers . This time , at all events , nations which were laggard before —England most especiall y—now perceive that the contest which was raging between Absolutism and Democracy must be resumed for universal revolution or universal tyranny , unless constitutional law can assert its presence in the

      field , and can reduce the other two extremes to submission . Franco , strangely as she is situated internally , unites with England to combat the great bravo of lawless despotism . Europe therefore is taking aides , and Prussia is asked on which side she will stand . The question is important for Europe , but still more important for Prussia . The King might now recover his good naino and the credit lie once had . In the interval since

      the lost opportunities of ' 48 and ' . 50 , Austria has developed her attempts to league Southern Germany against Prussia . Austria has also proved how little sympathy she t has with Germany at all , and how precarious is her own hold on that heterogeneous empire , which she Avill be unable to keep from disruption should her armies be employed about other work . Austria , is at once a

      rival whom Prussia might rejoico to be rid of , and an antagonist whom it would ho easy to crush . Should King Frederick William discern the true bearing of the alliance with the Western Powers , he would , ipso facto , become , throughout all Gorman ground stronger than Austria , the non-German power of Germany ; he would become , ipso facto , the leading sovereign in that

      federation . The opportunity is offered to him to take his place as the constitutional leader of Germany without compromising himself in relations with any Uncle John of Austria , or trafficking with democratic transactions . It is strange that Russia ' s opportunity should open just as she loses Frederick William ' s old equerry in the path of reform . But though we must regret that faithful , if doubtful leader , we may console ourselves with the reflection , that perhaps the statesman who had grown stiff in old fashions of statesmanship anterior to ' 48 and ' 50 , might not be the best of guides in the troubled path of ' 54 .

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      CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM . The new number of the Westminster Review , published this day , contains a valuable contribution to the discussion of a subject which has hitherto been consigned to the melancholy lucubrations of doctrinaires in theory and boroughmongers in practice . When we have briefly indicated the scope and substance of the paper to which we desire to call the serious attention of

      our readers , it will , we think , be allowed , whatever opinions may he formed of the writer ' s conclusions , that his treatment of the subject is at once broad and practical , comprehensive and direct ; his principles generous and positive , and his point of view large and statesmanlike . We reserve our own criiicism of details , while we present such an abstract of the article as may facilitate to the general reader that attentive consideration which its substantial merits , no less than the time and place of its appearance , appear to demand .

      The writer , after adverting to the causes of the quietness with which the question of reform is now approached , notices the distrust of the working classes which still haunts those above them . Taking this distrust , however , as a fact which can only be gradually got rid of , he proceeds to discuss the question with the fact taken into account . First , however , he argues that the question ought not to be postponed ; for that we are in more favourable circumstances for its discussion

      than the inevitable periodic crises of our coinmeroial system , are likely io permit for a long time to come . Of these crises a theory is given in a note on principles we cannot now stay to discus 3 , but which may justly claim most careful attention . Next are considered the several principles or devices on which proposals for reform have been made to rest ;—" representation co-extensive with direct taxation , " household suffrage , property qualification in general , and the natural equality

      of men . The practical difficulties attending the latter basis are admitted , while the truth of the principle itself is maintained , and its place in the theory of reform pointed out . The qualities a Government must have in order to be strong and stable are next considered , and then a question is propounded on the answer to which nearly all the details of reform depend , viz . —Is representation to be that of classes or persons ? If of classes or interests , then inequalities in relation to numbers are no blemish ; if of persons or riglits , then inequalities are injustice . But then , pursues the

      writer ,, this again depends on the general purpose of our legislation . If it is a simple defence of rights , and is to be of a nature to apply to all men alike , and impartially , then the representation ought to be that of persons ; and this , it is asserted , it ought eventually to become . But ours is now a legislation in a great degree for interests , and as long as it remains so we shall have , by the force of circumstances , an unequal and confused representation of classes . This kind of representation , as well the principles on which it rests , are rejected as final bases ; while , however , the practical necessity of bearing with them for the present in admitted .

      ¦ lint if classes are to be represented , we ought , it is urged , to admit not only the wealthy but the poor , who tiro now scarcely represented at all ; and we ought to admit them not merely as voters , when they may be swamped by superior numbers or intimidation , but by menus of boroughs specially selected , so m to afford them members capable of speaking in their own sense . Twenty

      or thirty " working men ' s boroughs , enfranchised by universal nuflrnge , " , like the Tower Hamlots , too large for them to work , nor , like Stamford , overridden by a single landlord , are the means by which it is suggested they may bo admitted to a voice in the Legislature , at once effective for good to all classes , and calculated to give no alarm to any .

      While the ballot is rejected as an ineffectual defence to the voter , it is proposed to repeal all laws against bribery , on the ground that laws which have evidently but little public sentiment to support them , and have failed for so many generations , are clearly useless , while probably thev prevent the growth of the public sentiment which could alone suppress the practice . "We

      could afford to spare a useless law , and had better do so , than that the maintenance of it should expose law to the ignominy of perpetual failure Bribery is ^ shown historically to have increased just as Parliament has admitted interests , as distinguished from rights , to become the subject-matter of legislation ; and until this great cause of its existence is got rid of , it seems unlikely the practice should be suppressed by mere law .

      The next proposal is to effect an entire revision of the electoral system every ten years , or , rather to convert the existing limited franchise into a ' trust of only ten years' duration , renewable , with needful modifications , at the expiration of each decennial period ; during each such period it is proposed to require that at least two general elections should have taken place . On this decennial revision reliance is placed for a gradual

      purification of the system , and a gradual drawing of it nearer to true principles . After noticing various plans of reform , and the books in which they are proposed or advocated , the writer turns to an entirely different view of the subject . He asserts that improvements in the process of drafting from the mass of the community the persons to be entrusted with the making of laws must fail in great part of their purpose , unless the practice and functions of Parliament itself be reformed also . The

      enormous mass of the private bill department of legislation is pointed out , together with the vast evils which it entails . It overpowers the strength of Parliament , absorbs its attention , degrades its intellectual character , unfits it for the calm consideration of great principles , and forces on it the duties of a legislation to be effected in haste , confusion , and on insufficient acquaintance with facts . To individuals the injustice

      of the system is what would be felt if every case of litigation in our law-courts had to pass through the Parliament ; and the plainest principles of individual and public liberty are violated by the Legislature still retaining in its own hands the determination of cases which have become generic in their character , and which ought to be determined elsewhere by other authorities , on principles laid down by the Legislature and known to all .

      To remedy these evils as well as to supply a serious want in our constitution , which has occurred through the invasion of our ancient local institutions , it is then proposed to divide the United Kingdom into districts of four or nve counties each , and to give to each a local legislature , to which should be committed the investigation and primary enactment of all private bills , and also such matters of local leg islation as should affect only the district itself . On this plan the Supreme Legislature would be relieved of all tnai lowers its capabilities and embarrasses its action , and would be occupied in the settlement of general principles , and in superintending and controlling the application of them throug h the locat

      legislatures . . . i Wo cannot further extend this notice by «* verting to the arguments by which these * evc proposals are sustained : for them , and tor n we have not been able to notice at all , we mua send our readers to the article itself .

      Untitled Article

      THE LAST REQUEST OF THE CIVI & SERVANTS . . Pubmc discussion has had its leg itimate offy tin compelling Ministers to abandon the . nfcsura ^ unjust system hitherto in force respectin g Superannuation Fund of the Civil ^ ervantS' ^ ratW , wo should say , it has had half its legit"g » effect , in compelling Ministers to abandon absurd system , but wo fear without com f j » llwuvi 4- ^ < wl ^ a «* - * kkr \ vn wftfinnti . l fiVfitcm * *¦* * -.- » ...

      of a mere abandonment , giving up the ° : ( lo without an effective substitute . Should tn y ^ that their Conduct will be something "" J ^ d behaviour of a woman who has boon coi ^ that her conduct has not been quite corr ~~ \ rat « immediately cuts the friends who remon » < with her . vateM lA The general character of the present' ^ ,, well known . In 1829 the Ministers of t » o v ,

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      1260 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 31, 1853, page 1260, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2019/page/12/