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    merchants—viz ., the advances of money for the payment of the contingent . When they found it impossible to obtain money from the Nizam , they induced him to give security for his debt , and they took , in satisfaction of it , the districts previously mortgaged ^ their own subjepts , the present petitioners . The interference of the resident in the case did not amount to a legal guarantee ; but if ever there was a moral guarantee this was one . It was a guarantee that the petitioners should enjoy quiet possession of their security . Although the Nizam is nominally an indehis

    pendent prince , nothing can be more complete than dependence iipon the Government of India . With regard to the relation existing between the Government and the Nizam , there is a despatch from the Court of Directors to the Governor-General , of January , 1824 , in Which they said , that they considered a system of non-interference , founded on a regard for the rights of the native sovereigns , would have great advantage , provided that the irresistible strength which their protection afforded to the native Governments were " not converted to the oppression of the people . "

    The redress of this wrong is now sought by the Parsee merchants ( " Jevanjee Merjee and Pestonjee Merjee" ); and their case was stated before the House , on Monday , by Mr . John Geobge PhilliMobe and Mr . John Abel Smith . The motion ( praying an examination of the case by the Privy Council ) was resisted by Sir Chables Wood . He explained ; that there was no guarantee whatever given by the British resident ; that those Parsee merchants were warned against lending money to the Nizam ; that the debt itself was a matter of dispute , and that it is amisdemeanour in a British subject to lend money to a native prince . Sir James Hogg also pointed out that this was but one case out of many- Several others

    had lent money to native princes and had not got it back . Mr . Bbight , in support of the claim of the merchants , pointed out the peculiar position of the Nizam , not as an independent monarch , but as a puppet in the hands of the Company , and supported by the Company j and showed that the law making it misdemeanour to lend to native princes applied only to Britons born and not to British subjects born in India . But Mr . Mangles showed , in reply , that the Nizam is not under the power of the Company , that the loan was voluntary and the interest 18 per cent . The motion on behalf of the merchants was rejected by 111 to 69 .

    THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES . In amendment of the bill for the regulation of tho Church ( passed in the House of Lords ) , Government propose a form of clauses . They will materially reduce the bill in size , and will clearly set forth two principles . The first principle is to establish the most perfect religious equality amongst all sects and religious denominations in the colonies ; and the second is , that the colonies should be left in the most free and uncontrolled management of all their affairs , both ecclesiastical and civil . It is merely wished to cut the chain which ties the Colonial Church to tho mother Church , but to give it none of tRo benefits arising from the endowments and privileges of the latter . Tho object of the bill , in fact , is to relieve the colonial churches from the

    imputation of violating tho law by carrying it on on the principle of voluntar \ r consent and mutual government . It was explnined by Lord John ltirsSELL that we have to consider whether the Church of England in the colonies ought to bo merely in tho same position as any sect . Even if the Church of England in the colonies is not an establishment , is it to be deprived of tho rights of a voluntary establishment ? If the various religious communities in the colonies are to be on a footing of equality , and none of them have any establishment , it is but just that the Church of England should have tho same privileges as tho others ; and if there are any acts of Parliament which deprive it of that liberty which it ought to possess they should bo modified .

    Mr . Gladstone also explained the bill : — " Tho question wo have to deal with is , whether or not tho Church of England in tho colonies shall bo stripped of tho privileges which belong to hor as an establishment , and if bo , whether she shall not bo allowed to fall back on tho natural liberty enjoyed by mombors of ovory ofchor denomination . . It has heon proved over and over again , that tho disabilities under which tho Church in tho colonies labours aro neither imaginary nor light . Ono effort haH been mado by a most onoreatio binhop , tho

    JJiahop of Now Zealand . Tho bishop , finding himself in a Booioty tho aboriginal inhabitants of which had boon converted to Christianity b y the zeal of jnisHionarioH , wished to malco cortnin regulations indisponmiblo , in his opinion , with tho duo carrying on of Church government in tho colony . Accordingly , ho convened a mooting of tho clorgy , and a set of regulation wore drawn up and oonfc homo for approval ; but , owing to tho state of the law , thoso regulations wore found to bo invalid , hocauso unlawful . We are , in fact , botwoon two diulcultioa—wo may either give tho Church in tho colony freedom to muko ita

    own regulations , which is the rational mode , though it is said to be liable to the objection that the effect of this would be , which I do not believe , to split up the Church of England into a multitude of differing churches , and the other difficulty is the apprehension felt against anything like the creation of an establishment in the colonies . I think the question could be settled , not by any complex or detailed legislative going into particulars , but that a bill could be drawn up in a single , page , which would but which

    be not only adequate to meet the : difficulties , , from its brevity and simplicity , would be the best law that could be passed on the subject—a law declaratory that no law or statute at home should prevent the regulation of the Church in the colonies . " It was then agreed that the Bill should stand over to the next session of Parliament , in deference to the very general feeiing expressed by various members against any further promotion of the Bill .

    THE CONSTITUTION OF JAMAICA . The Government and the House of Assembly in Jamaica are at variance—the Assembly wishing reduction of official salaries , and the Government resisting the retrenchment . The quarrel is facilitated by the peculiar constitution of the House of Assembly . / In voting money , the practice has been , not to vote it at the request of the Crown , but at the will of independent members of the Assembly . Its disposal is likewise under the control of the members of the Assembly , in their capacity of Commissioners of Accounts . To reform this state of things Government propose (

    according to Lord JOHN Russell ' s statement to the House on Thursday ( following the Duke of Newcastle's explanation in the Lords ) , that there shall be a permanent revenue for the permanent salaries of certain public officers ; that the initiative of money grants shall rest with the representatives of the Crown , and that certain members of the House of Assembly , or certain persons entitled to appear before that house , shall be the persons responsible for the proposal and expenditure of public grants . By guaranteeing the Jamaica debt , and a new loan , the home Government will still further aid the Jamaica authorities . Sir John PakingtON expressed approval of the Government proposition .

    VOTING AWAY THE PUBLIC MONET . Various grants of money for public purposes were made on Thursday night in committee of supply ; and some sharp shooting at abuses and perversions of funds was kept up by independent members . The management of the British Museum was denounced by Mr . Hume . The catalogue for instance , is 1200 volumes ; it has already cost 100 , 0002 ., and at the present rate of manufacture will take forty-four years to complete it . Sir Robert Inglis said that more books were wanted , and more space for the present books .

    The disgraceful dilapidation of the mansion of the English Embassy at Paris was stated by the Government as a reason for the vote of 58202 ., and was emphasised by the Opposition , led by Mr . Disbaeli , as a sign that the former grants , of which no clear account has been given , have been mysteriously wasted—successively expended without any good effect . After a cloud of inquiries on tho subject , rather briefly and insufficiently answered by Mr . Wilson , the objections by various members ceased , and the money was voted .

    To the vote for tho expenses of election commissions some slight objections were made . The money voted for capturing slaves on shore in Africa gavo rise to more ineffectual dissension from Mr . Bbight and others . But the chief array of objections arose on the now vote of 70 , 0002 . for the now Houses of Parliament One member thought the building never would bo finished while S ir Charles Barry lived . Another anticipated a final cost of 2 , 000 , 000 * . ; wo have voted 1 , 600 , 0002 . Tho body of flame kept between the roof of tho building and tho coiling of tho House causing a heat of 140 degrees , and charring the roof ; tho

    windows painted over with strange beasts , and not miulo to lot in the fresh air ; tho inefficient machines for ventilation beneath tho floor of tho House ; tho lights on tho back benches destroying people ' s eyes , wore topics of querulous declamation by various mombers , who baited Sir William Molehwortii with questions , tho official zeal of that Minister being admitted on all hands , but Sir Charles Barry being pointed out as an Opposition always successful in defeating successive administrations . Explanations were given , but nothing decisive was agreed to , except the proposed vote of seventy thousand pounds .

    ELECTION PETITIONS . Tho corrupt practices arising out of tho presentation of protended election petitions , especially tho Into Norwich petition , wore brought before tho IIou . se , informally , by Mr . Dunoomum . Ono hundred and thirtythrco petitions wore presented during tho present Parliament ; of these fifty-nine have been withdrawn or " paired oil ' , " and five aro now ponding . In any alteration in tho law which tho Government may propoao ,

    effectual care should be taken to prevent this system of " pairing off "—so that no petition , when once laid on the table , could be withdrawn , or , at all events , that no petition should be withdrawn without another petition , in which the reasons for such withdrawal were set forth and signed by those who signed the original petition . Such documents-might be referred to an officer of the House appointed for that purpose . A most desirable alteration might also be made in the system of recognisances ; for instead of the present clumsy , cumbrous , and unsatisfactory mode of references to the examiners of recognisances , the petitioners should

    deposit , in lieu of recognisances , 10002 . in the Bank of England , not to be withdrawn without the leave of the Speaker , nor until all parties were satisfied . If another general election took place , and the law remain in its present state , similar scandalous proceedings will occur all over again . The gross defects in the present state of the law require a speedy and an effectual remedy . "I do not blame Mr . Brown . He was the solicitor and agent of the Carlton Club , and it was the excess of his zeal for the party in whose service he was engaged that lured him into the indiscretions of which he had been guilty in the case of the Norwich election petition . Mr . Brown worked energetically and incessantly for his party , and when his friends succeeded to

    power , they testified their gratitude by conferring on him the valuable appointment of solicitor to the Board of Control . If the right honourable gentleman the member for Stamford , who was President of the Board of Control , were now in his place , I would not hesitate to ask that veteran statesman . whether . he had in the whole course of his political career ever heard of any more profligate or indecent appointment than that of an election agent of a party club to the responsible office of solicitor to one of the great public departments . If Mr . Coppock had received from the present Government the appointment of solicitor to the Treasury , or auy other such valuable office , we should never have heard the end of it . "

    Much the same view of the general question was taken by Lord John Russell . He agreed with Mr . Duncombe , that there was a great abuse with respect to the withdrawal of election petitions , and that it was an abuse which ought not to be suffered to continue if the law could prevent it . The matter should , undoubtedly , receive the serious consideration of Government ; and , indeed , a bill for the amendment of the present state of the law had been already drawn up , and would be introduced at the commencement of the ensuing

    session . CHUKCn PROPERTY . A discussion on the Episcopal and Capitular Estates took place on Wednesday , on the motion for the second reading of the Marquis of Blandford ' s Bill for the better regulation of this property . Mr . Wigram and Sir Robert Inglis opposed the second reading on many grounds . It is too late in the session to consider the bill ; even the Archbishop of Canterbury ' s bill on Colonial Churches was postponed the other day . Tho bill would clash with the commission at present inquiring into the state of collegiate churches and chapels . Tho bill is also objectionable in transferring all church

    property to three laymen sitting in London , and giving to bishops fixed incomes which might decrease in value ; for instance , 40002 . per annum now might only bo worth 2000 Z . or 10002 . in some years , when gold" would decline in market value . In many other ways tho transfer would jeopardise the property of the Church . Mr . Sidney Herbert also urged postponement of the bill , on the grounds that tho session was advanced and a commission sitting . But he was far from approving of tho present system ; tho bishops aro made land agents , and even if they do not yield to temptation , the appointments give rise to scandal . Mr . Vicrnon throw in u word for Convocation , showing how useful it would bo to express the opinion of tho C hurch in tho

    present case . In defence of the bill , tho Marquis of Blandford stated its principle , and pointed out its necessity . Tho principle is , that tho property of ecclesiastical porsons should bo placed in the hands of laymen . Fixed instead of fluctuating incomes aro most befitting tho spiritual character of bishops . There is no need <> f father inquiry ; ti commission has already reported on tho subject . Under tho proposed bill the commissioners will pay the incomes to tho bishops out of tho " cstateH

    of tho Church , and thus romovo from theprelutes all cares of landed property , giving tlicnj more timo to attend to their spiritual duties . It in not intended to tako away any property from the Church . Sir Benjamin Hall brought up a new hatch of church abuses —• " Tho rovorond gentleman , who was prebendary of Loighton-Uiizzard , and who Hold tho property by public auction at Garniwny ' n for : W , < H ) 02 ., was novor in tho Church more than onco a your , and the chancel , which ho wan bound to ropair , wnH loft in a minorablo titato of ruin . Tho present Uiohop of Durham ( Dr . Maltby ) , who had

    Untitled Article

    August 6 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . 747

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 6, 1853, page 747, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1998/page/3/