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    Bussia , England would not fight : her fleet would fight ; and we can sleep at home at ease while Jack is inaking mince-meat of Sebastopol horse-marines . To keep a fleet fighting costs no more ( with the exception of the gunpowder , which is now Very cheap ) than to keep $ > fleet moored or on a cruise ; and stories of naval battles ( particularly when they are successful ) fill newspapers , and interest an inert public . The corn trade might suffer , as it does already , by suspense ; but there is a wonderful American harvest ; and Other trades would gain . Birmingham would

    double its wealth in along war ; and not a firm in Liverpool but would fit out privateers for prizes in the hemp and tallow trade . All these are thoughts in course of thinking by the public , which is beginning to understand something about Russia and the East ; and such considerations suggest that * on the whole , a war with Russia Would how be popular . With or without JEYance by our side , it would be a safe war ; we should Tbe sure to win ; and skilful diplomacy ( which ours in the East never will be , so long as routine and timid Bedclifle is with Abd - u'l- Medjid ) could readily render a war worth our while . Nicholas

    maintains that France is bribable ; and why should not we argue that way , too ?—that we might get Egypt as a Colony , with hereditary viceroys in the present Pasha ' s family , and secure a Greek empire , with a liberal tariff , at Constantinople . Our statesmen tremble at the idea of Russia getting into the Mediterranean ; but it is an old lady ' s fear ; if England choose to let loose the Republicans , Russia would be harmless in Europe . Therefore , bribe Nicholas away from . Constantinople by letting him into the Adriatic . He wants eyes for his empire , he says : give him Mazzini to look at , opposite that coveted port almost in sight of Italy . Obviously a

    great struggle is coming , above and beyond the grasp and the ken of these old diplomatists who now rule England ; and the capacity of Englishmen to save England by a sweeping policy , may soon be tested . Englishmen must do it themselves . Lords Aberdeen , Palmerston , Russell , Clarendon , Lansdowne , Redeliffe , Westmoreland , and Cowley , all average 70 years of age ; and men of seventy seldom build or bulwark an empire—particularly an unwarlike empire . Russia has gone so far only because she saw that the English protests against her proceedings have been in the trembling handwriting of over-old and over-courteous lords .

    The «* intelligent foreigner "—Nicholas included in the class—cannot suppose that English attention is at all fixed on Russian affairs , if they read our Parliamentary reports . The Afoniteur makes much of the fact , that there was a Cabinet council on Saturday , which sat four hours ; but against that fact Russian diplomatists will set another—that the House of Commons sat an average of fourteen out of every twenty - four throughout the week ; and that only once , incidentally , was the " difficulty" on the Pruth and the Danube referred to . What can the " despotic system " apprehend when it sees its favourite aversion ,

    Palmerston , placidly engaged in contesting whether he should " go on" with a Truck Act , or " withdraw" a Smoke Nuisance Abatement Bill ? Can Aberdeen be supposed to be active as to Turkey when he is found making the longest and profoundest Bpeech which ho has delivered this session , on the subject of chicory admixtures ? Can Gladstone be considering the state of the East ¦ when he is furtively attempting to pass a Colonial Church Regulation Bill , or openly exhibiting his anxiety to get the sossion ovor as soon as ever his Budget is quite through ? Can Card well really mean resistance to Russia when ho refuses to accept Captain

    Scobell ' s amendmont on the Pilotage Bill—intended to keep foreigners off the command of swift British steamers ? Graham may be really nervous or conscientious about Russia , for ho is making the navy efficient , and his work lies in a defensive and preparative direction . But , watching othor Ministers just now , the intelligent foreigner would como to the conclusion that England is doing anything but calculating on war . The aspect of Sir William Molesworth , for instance , during the week , particularly when asleep , has been highly pacific ; for even whon nwako ho is only describing the inroads of Fronch fleas upon the British embassy at

    Paris , or questioning the financial gemus of that groat artist in confectionary , Sir Charles Barry . And us to Sir Jnmes Grabam'n Secretary , the oncu lively nnd vigorous Bornol Osborne , ho made bin Orel ; appearanc'o for the summer on Thursday , and thon only to suggest —even in that showing an original turn of mindthat not a bad way of ventilating tho IIoubo of Commons would bo to open the windows—nn idea which never occurred to any of the scientific " authorities" I In feet , looking not alono at Minister * , but at tho confident industry with which the Houso wndos through potty details of" business / ' how is tho Emperor of Russia to suppose that we are paying" <* ny attention to hi » movomont «" or how is Abd-u- 'l-Medjid to believe that

    a people so careless about a question which affects Europe so deeply can really mean to save liim in his extremity ? The trifling nature of the work of the House of Commons last week was moralized upon in this place with proper effect ; and some reason was shown for the argument which assumes that the plan of the French-Chamber to class secondary " subjects " into large committees , is very preferable to the , system of talking about everything and" effecting very little which we continue to adopt . But this week the evil is more flagrantly conspicuous ; and the House of Commons looks less and less dignified . The House has

    devoted a large share of the week to silly drivel , all about itself ; at the very end of a wasted session members affecting to set about putting their house in order . Intelligent foreigners might pay us the compliment of supposing that the discussion on Thursday , in supply , on the lighting and ventilation of the chamber , had a hidden meaning ; and that the Radicals were attempting by innuendos to advance the cause of reform . For instance , what Mr . Bowyer said — that there was always a residuum of foul air in the House , in consequence of the close way in which it was kept ; and what Mr . OsbOrne said about throwing open the doors

    and windows , and about the lights under the galleries being ( at 11 p . m . ) only fit for Vauxhall or Cremorne ; and what various other gentlemen said recommendatory of a thorough cleansing and purifying of the establishment : — -might easily be converted by those wonderful Frenchmen who dilate on English manners , into a debate of double entendre significancy . But we , at home , know that all these unaffected platitudes of helpless M . P / s are sincerely of but a single tendency ; and the inevitable suspicion arises that the body which cannot light or ventilate its own sitting-room cannot be perfect for the regulation of the million ' s

    households of the empire . But in various other ways has the House been confessing the absurdities of its constitution and management . Lord John Russell agrees with any One and every one who says or states anything to bring the House of Commons into contempt —which is a fine trait in the leader of it . For instance , he led a good cheer when the Chairman in supply on Thursday , came to the vote of 30 , 000 ? . for the Commissions of briefless barristers who have been inquiring into " corrupt practices" at various places . The barristers have been paid by the day , and , sensible fellows , they have spun the inquiries out with great adroitness ; and the House was rather delighted than

    not at having to pay them 30 , 000 Z . It's a sum to suggest that the House ( which doesn't pay all the taxes ) is really in earnest in trying to get purity . Then , on the same subject , it was incidentally mentioned that , in consequence of the , refusal of the . House to issue certain writs , the constitutional complement of members will be short through the recess by sixteen ; and Lord John was asked if that wasn't very dreadful : at which Lord John smiled , and said , with a laugh , he didn't know ; but that he supposed it wasn't to bo helped , if the House wouldn't issue the writs . Then , again , when Mr . Thomas Duncombe made a motion about the constitution of Election Petition Committees ,

    stating , in a parenthesis , tho enormous number of petitions against members during this Parliament , Lord John quite agreed with Mr . Duncombo , and was not at all shocked at the hideous array of shameful statistics . All this is very strange in the Leader of the Houso : and the opportunity may bo taken to point out , again , how completely Lord John Russell has abnegated the functions which attach to his official or quasi-official position . It was his business as Leader , as it was his tactic as contingent reformer , to use all tho materials which tho election petition committee's proceedings gavo him for tbe furtherance of real measures to redeem tho character of tho House in tho country : and

    throughout tho session Lord John Russell has lazily Joft tho whole question of electoral corruption to accident ; as , on Tuesday and Thursday , idly patronising ' the struggles of independent members , ami loosely endorsing any sort of plan or moral , and always evidencing a vory lax indifTorcnco to the whole question about which , next session , ho is , as party man , to he so professionally anxious . Of tho enlightened constituencies of England ho loaves eight or ton unrepresented , beeanso thoy aro ho invetcrntely corrupt that they cannot bo

    entrusted with their constitutional privilcgo ; and wo aro paying briefless barristers at tho rate of 1000 / . per Week for taking evidence to confirm a conviction ; and whon tho astounding fact is forced on his attention , Lord John gently grins and raises that collcotivo Parliamentary hilarity which stenographer !* roport as " a laugh . " Laughing at tho vico is , in thin day , tho best way to got at tho Iloform ; but what Lord John laughs at is tho idea of his being at all active in doing Ins duty ; it not being , tliiw your , n party nocossity with the Whigs in tho Cabinet to raiso a Radical cry ; and even of a good uimulntion of earnostnegs next yonr there

    cannot be much hope , after the systematic conduct of Lord John , during these six months , in leaving every , thing to chance . Lord Brougham interjects a hope , in the Lords , that his noble friend does not mean a " large measure" of Reform ; to which hope all the coalition lords said , hear and hear , and to which the extremer Whig lords who , haven't got their cue say nothing ; and Lord Brougham is very likely to- be gratifiedl Lord John himself is not very eager to change the character of the club which cultivates politeness and so endures him ; and of the tendency of his Peelite colleagues there was an unexpected illustration in the treatment which . Sir James Graham extended , on Tuesday , to Mr . C . Berkeley' sbill for forbidding music and banners in election contests . Sir James was

    astonished at such an attempt to deprive the British subject of his immemorial privilege to run candidates like jockeys —by colours—and to uphold free and . independent spirit by villainous m usic ; Sir James was , in fact , in his way , as indignant as Colonel Sibthorpe , who was very wrath ; and , accordingly , Sir James leading the Ministerial side at the moment , Mr . C . Berkeley was snubbed and put down . What could the intelligent foreigner have thought of that debate ? One half the House of Commons maintaining that this enlightened country went mad , at election times , under the influence of red silk and trumpets ; and the other half of the House contending that the enlightened country liked this sortof thing , and ought notto be deprived of this—one of its public amusements !

    But , finally , what would the intelligent foreigner have thought of the speech , and consequent laughter , of Sir G > Brooke , on Monday , after the division on a clause in an Irish land bill ? Sir G . Brooke complained , almost with tears in his eyes , that it was shamefulthat it was—for the House of Commons to divide without even having heard the debate ! The intelligent foreigner could hardly understand the plaint without being present ; but had he been ( as he could have been on Monday , when strangers , myself ainong them , first saw the operation ) , he would be bewildered at one of the workings of representative institutions . Take the

    division in question . The clause had been discussed by a House of twenty ; ten Irish " liberal" members , who affect to bother the Government that has bought them , and ten Irish Orange members , who vote continuously against the people , and oppose every concession to tho tenant , as antagonistic , which he is in Ireland , to the landlord . Each of the twenty had spoken ten times ( it is in Committee ) , and then they agreed to divide . " Division ! " roar the door-keepers ; the Sergeant-at-Ai-ms rings a bell , which rings ( by electricity ) a dozen other bells ; and " Division—division" is the cry in every room of the building . The clerk at the table

    puts a heavy sand time-glass on tho table ; it is a two-minute glass , and when the sand has run down , the doors are to be closed . But two minutes is enough . As the bells ring , members rush in , in dozens , in twenties , in fifties , in a rapid stream of M . P .-dom . Some of them have been chatting about tbe lobbies or in the ladies gallery , others have been in tho library , and it is only a few have been in the dining-room , but it is nine o ' clock , and therefore most have been in the smokingroom . As they rush in , they are ignorant of what linn been going on and what they are to divide about ; but as they run they learn ; a whisper or a word , as they

    pass some trusted friend or official , is enough , and they tako tho lobby that belongs io them by an instinct . On this occasion , a few Irish Orange members aro opposing the Governmont , and for guidance to the Coalitionists , it is enough that they see whoro Hayter stands . Past tho smiling Hayter they trot , in confident— touchingly confident—' submission . In tho lobby , when they havo decided on thoir vote , they atflc and hoar , " What ' s tho question ? " And so well understood is tho Frce / nnsonry system of winks and nods that few have over to regret their choico , or to record a regret . And as it was on Monday , so it is on

    all divisions : tho majority , disgorged of tho smoking room , aro ever in blissful ignoruncu of tho debate . Sir G . Brooke was a simpleton to complain of the established system of nn enlightened senate : and it wn » natural that Lord John , rising an loader to answer tho taunt of a freshman in that knowing club , should raiso a laughing cheer when ho Haiti that ho should bo fiorry to hoo tho day whon members of that House- would not thus always testify thoir confidence in thoir selected chiefs . It in well understood , in and out of doors , that

    only onco in a decade doen a debate influonco a division ; and it would bo a mere furco for all ttioso who voto to ait through tho dreary talk of ovor-conficiontioufl Honators , who aro bores , and worso than borcH , in July . But that being so , why continuo tho lunatics arrangomontn dovolopod for the flw ^ timo to tho uninitiated on Monday , nnd carried ont , to their groat amnzomont , through tn 0 wcok P It ' s perhaps premature , though tho ago of <**

    Untitled Article

    760 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 6, 1853, page 760, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1998/page/16/