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Leader (1850-1860), 2nd July 1853, Edition 1 of 1, Page 627

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      war , we have always wished to avdicUt , but Indian necessity has produced successive wars . All were undertaken on the spot from a sense of coming danger , overriding the wishes of the Governors themselves . Mr . Cobden is shocked at the annexation of Pegu . But has he not heard of annexations by other Governments not absolute or despotic ? We have heard of declarations of annexation without bounds on the continent of North America , and of a determination not to allow any ,. independent neighbour'to exist on that great and mighty continent . These are the unavoidable necessities of empire . What is true of America is equally true of Asia , and there is great difficulty in declaring that you will not annex any additional country . Would single governments check those wars ? The ^ case put is , that the Company is not sufficiently controlled , but direct control would give greater promptitude

      but no check upon war . Just glance at the matters of finance : —In 1833 the debt of India was 38 , 000 , 000 ? . It is now 53 , 000 , 000 ? . The addition , therefore , on the face " of tjjie account has been 15 , 000 , 0007 . But in 1833 there was a balance in the Exchequer of 8 , 400 , 000 ? . The balance at present in the Exchequer is 15 , 000 , 000 ? . Deducting , therefore , that surplus of 6 , 600 , 000 ? . from the 15 , 000 , 000 ? . apparently of additional debt , there does only stand an addition of 8 , 400 , 000 ? of Indian debt after the Affghan war ,. the Burmah war , the Punjaub war , and the war in Scinde—four wars most expensive and most important , and they have beenconducted , one _ and aU , to a successful conclusion . There has been no increased taxation ; on the contrary , the salt-tax has been reduced 25 per cent ., and the transit dues wholly abolished .

      Finally , the Bill strikes at the system of canvass , by throwing open appointments to public competition ; and establishes the ri ght of the natives to extended employment . - .: ; . ¦ ¦ .. ¦ .: « , . .. ¦ - ¦ : ¦'¦ "• ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ -. . ¦ ' ¦ ; . /¦ ¦ . ¦¦ ' .. ; . - . - ¦ . ¦ ¦¦ ! ,. Sir Hebbebt Maedoce : defended the Indian Civil Service . In a body of 800 , many must be mediocre , and the difficulty of dismissing a man who has come " out from England , embarrasses the authorities still more . The Governor-General of India should be left moire liberty of action ; if so , the want of judicious outlay on public works would cease . The natives should be admitted to the Governor ' s council . The

      Government Bill did not embrace one-third of the topics which should have been brought under the notice of the legislature , but in the ljope of its amendment in Committee , he would vote for the second reading . Mr . Phiilimoee pointed out several cases of judicial oppression ; and the wretched condition of the peasantry of India . Mr . Monckton Mimtes defended the present system as the best . Indian affairs were very difficult . The best men and the best measures had been ineffectual in India . Mr . Bbight made an extended and statistical speech in favour of Lord Stanley ' s amendment .

      The Government Bill is not much the better because it fixes no period . If the Act of 1833 had not terminated at a fixed period , this very Government , with all its faults , would have gone on for fifteen or twenty years without material change . Although Lord Dalhousie may , after a hint from Sip-James t £ ogg , have advised immediate legislation , there is still a probability that he is opposed to the present Bill . In fact , nobody in the House or out of it is in favour of the Bill—excepting Sir Charles Wood . Mr . Lowe , his secretary , in his speech the other night , ingeniously evaded all approbation of the Bill . Sir James Hogg is not in favour of the Bill . He simply says : — " Legislate now , for wo shall be found out if it go on for two years more . " Sir Robert Inghs , Mr . Herrics , Mr . Hume , all

      disapproved of the Bill . Thus , we are going to do what © very one disapproves , and to leave undone what almost every one prefers . Then , delay is wisdom . The condition of the people of India proves that the home Government has not been advantageous in practice . Tho Calcutta ' Review testifies that the wealth of tho country is fast and visibly declining . Public works aro few and inadequate . Since 1833 , the Government , which has been so much applauded , has spent in tho vvhole 5 , 000 , 000 ? . on public works in India , while in this United Kingdom , on tho single improvoment of railroads alone , wo have spent a larger sum than 10 ? , a head for every man , woman , and child in the country . Tho single town of Manchester has for several years past been spending more on its internal improvement

      than has been expended by a Government drawing 29 , 000 , 000 ? . of taxes from an empire including 150 , 000 , 000 of souls . ( Loud cheers . ) Compare this with what has been done by tho Dutch , who aro in possession of the island of Java . That island is tho sizo of England ; it contains 40 , 000 square miles ; it has 10 , 000 , 000 of population . Since tho year 1810 there has been mado in that island moro than 900 milos of . excellent road , travollablo at all seasons of tho year . In Guzorat , after 50 years ' possession , there aro only 24 miles of road ; whilst in Java , after 40 years' possession , there aro 900 milos made , travelled , and ascertained . Sir James Hogg wished Manchester intelligence in India , but thero are obstacles to tho investment of English capital . Thero must bo bo ,

      for if not , tho commorcinl man would go where tho civil servant and tho soldier have gone . Tho proprietors formed a mock representation ; ono London banker had 300 proxies in lua pocket , and tho degrading character of tho canvass was woll known . " Tho gonoral court of proprietors has no control ovor tho directors ; tho directors have no control ovor tho secret committee ; tho secret committee have no control over tho Board of Control . Tho press has no control ; public opinion is excluded ; Parliament itself deluded ; and I defy any mombor of tho houso—I apoak advisedly , aftor ton years' observation—unless ho ia a mombor of tho Government , or acting with or on tho nart of Government , to grapplo with any question that is tftkinir place in India in tho same mannor as ho can any question afc home , or any question connected with tho

      colonies . But even one in favour of the present system cannot vote for this Bill—which impairs all the good of the " double" government . The Court of Directors were to be a check on the President of the Board of Control . This bill impairs the power of the check , and therefore adds to the power of the minister of the day , without making the minister more responsible to Parliament . By the course we are taking , we are ignoring our own constitution and casting doubts upon those representative institutions which we value so highly . The Crown , the courts of justice , the highest interests of this great nation , the interests of all her dependencies , everything is amenable to the High Court of Parliament ;

      but somebody steps in , and says that in this Indian empire there is something so vast , so distant , so dangerous , and so mysterious , that it cannot be brought before this house , or one side or the other would make a victim of it for the purpose of faction . I do not believe a word of it . I believe from the contests we wage here , call them contests of factions if you will , comes a vast superiority in many things in this country over most countries in the world , and if there is anything in a colony which the colonists value , it has come froin the constant assaults of members on the Government of the day , and from the constant appeals of the public press to the judgment , the intellect , and the benevolence of the people of this country . And with

      regard to this . Indian empire , if it is said that , having been conquered b y force of arms ^ it is to be kept only by force and terror—if the Government is to continue its government under a mask—if Parliament and the people of England are to be shut out from the consideration of a question intimately concerning the greatest dependency of the Crown , I say then the glory of this house will have departed , and we will have proved ourselves a nation which has manifested merely the power of conquest , not the intellectual power of governing the ' eountry subjected to our sway . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Habdinge supported the Bill ; and Sir James Hogg- replied to some of Mr . Bright's statements . The orders of the Board of Control are not more secret than

      those of the Colonial Secretary . The changes in the home government proposed by the Bill are not necessary , but still the Bi | l preserves the Company as an intervening power , and . so deserves support . Thursday brought the debate to a close ; and Ministers to a great triumph . ¦ Mr . E . ICH objected to " legislation in a hurry , " supported the amendment , and censured the Government Bill in detail ; dwelling much on the necessity of employing the natives . Mr . Camming Bbttce ( late Secretary of the Boai'd of Control ) objected to delay , but also objected to many portions of the bill ; especially to the nominee Directors , and to the competition for the civil service , as novel and dangerous . Mr .

      Mabjobibanks , as an East India Director after a five years' canvass , testified to the purity of the constituency who gave him their votes . Mr . Napieb supported the amendment , because it only pledged one to delay , while the Government Bill is conclusive . The imperfect information before the House did not warrant legislation ; and the many evils and grievances alleged to exist in India made it our duty to delay . Mr . John M'Gbegob supported the bill as , upon the whole , wise and expedient . Mr . Digby Seymour , at length , and with fluency , made a sweeping indictment of the Indian administration as to its effects upon the country , quoting many statistics , and winding up with a figurative peroration .

      Sir Chaeues Wood replied , in a summary speech , dealing briefly with many objections urged during tho four nights * debate . In 1833 , the settlement of the commercial rolations of the Company was a reason for delay which does not now exist . The only substantial argutnent for delay is that by Mr . Bright , who avows his intention to agitato for two years ; but agitation is not proper on this question . Tho Houso in its wisdom should sottlo it rather than leavo it to a deluded public opinion . Even in tho House itself tho amount of ignorance and misstatement has been very great . Mr . Bright and Mr . Blackott complained of certain reports not being before tho Houso ; they wore laid on tho table months ago . Mr . Blackett also stated that thero was six millions arrears in tho land revenue of India ; but lie mado a huliernuR mistako in his examination of tho account .

      The arrears in ono year wore four millions—in the next year two millions ; and Mr . Blackott has added both to mako out tho total deficit . This is enlightened criticism ! On tho question of salt , Mr . Bright quoted statistics from a papor which contradicted them in its next number ; and Mr . Blackett , judging from tho decline in revenue , stated that tho consumption of salt had fallen off " , when in truth it has increased—tho reduction of tho rovenuo arising from tho reduction of duty . Mr . Phinn mado a similar mistake : ho does not know , it seems , that a rupee meanH a piece of monoy , not a measuro of salt . Tho small quantity of our taken bIndia is of

      manufactures y complained ; but India , unlike agricultural countries , has a largo domestic manufacture with which English manufacture has to compote . Stories of tho misery of tho peasants aro told ; but Sir Fitzroy Kelly has told , within six months , tales as touching of tho sufferings of agriculturists at homo . Tho Indian debt , instead of tending towards bankruptcy , is Icsb than two years' rovonuo ; and Micro has been a surplus revenue in three of tho four last years . Tho Govornmont Bill gives to India ft government devised with consideration ; Gut , us timo and circumstances suggest , it may bo altered . And as to tho absence of limitation , it agrcos in that rospoot with tho prayer of tho second petition from the Native Association of Bombay .

      Mr . DisbaexI followed , in a speech of two hours and a halfc rising at twenty minutes past eleven , in a very full House . Party feelings have been forbidden in this question ; but party contests have hitherto caused a generous emulation in the House ; and though party feelings may lead to excess , yet common sense and public opinion will always correct them . But no fear " of party inconvenience in the ' present case should lead us into such a want of moral sagacity and courage as would make us shrink from frankly expressing our opinions . " Delay" has precedents . In 1813 , Lord Grey and Lord Grenville objected to entertain the Government Bill at a late period of the session . In 1833 , Mr . Charles Wynn

      advised delay . Lord Stanley does but the same now . In 1833 , we framed a Government for India , to last twenty years . The interval has passed , and we still find complaints of wars , deficits , no ed ucation , few public works , and the mal-admiriistration of justice . Are these the five points of the Charter ? The servants of the _ Company do not deny these accusations ; they only explain them . Yet we are asked to provide at once a Government for India , as if we were legislating for a railroad . We are to have no discussion , because the people or Parliament take no interest in the topic ! If so , more shame for them ; but should Ministers triumpli in that circumstance ? "We find India subject to chronic misgovernment . Must there not be something , then , defective in the scheme of 1

      government ? It is cumbrous , tardy , divided , and deficient in clear and complete responsibility . Mark the contradictory definitions that have been given . One member says the Company has real power ; another says that it is a sham , the Board of Control having all power ; while a third says neither have power , the Governor-General being the real authority . Yet some time ago , Lord Ellenborough , selected specially b y Sir Robert Peel as Governor of India at a critical period , was rudely recalled —by his ' . Sovereign ? , by the Board of Control ? No ; by this Court of Directors , which . h # s " no power . " Under the present bill , the Directors have a similar power . Bemember that the organic change you fear must come ; in 1874 , India , with all its debt , must come into your hands ;

      then , can we afford it to suffer another twenty years such as that now expired ? The Government bill disturbs much , and really settles nothing . Its plan for the Home Government has all the disadvantages of the "] present system , with none of its advantages . The Government nominees will make the Board dependent . ( In 1833 , Mr . Macaulay denounced a similar proposal for the appointment of nominee Directors as the " worst proposition he ever heard . " ) No nominees you may select can have moro experience than the same number of the present Directors ; but under the new system you will have elected Directors selected entirely irrespective of that Indian experience which now in general qualifies the candidate for direction . One feature of the debate is curious . No one but

      officials ( excepting Mr . Macaulay ) support the "bill , and many who disapprove of the amendment condemn the bill . Mr . Macaulay told us many things ; why did he not inform us why the code was not carried out ? In 1833 , he said , a code was wanted , and could be readily supplied : who has prevented its publication ? Sir James Graham is another important advocate of the bill . He praises the Company ' s officers ; yet for the first time such men as Nott and Pollock are to be made subordinate to Queen ' s officers . Then , as a compensation for the state of Indian finances , we aro to have an Indian budget , without haying power to control a single shilling . Authority has been used against " delay . " But Lord Dalhousio ' s advice is like a Homeric cloud—we know not even his words . Lord Ellenborough ' a advice differs from what he said three months ago ; we know not tho grounds of the change . Lord Hardinge , now quoted

      against delay , did not express that opinion before the committee . Mr . Herriesstatesthat the late Cabinet contemplated immediate legislation . " That is the first I heard of it . " And Lord Derby never heard of until now . The state of India has been urged in favour of delay , but India is no small state ready for insurrection . It is a largo empire , peopled by twenty-five nations , differing in race , in language , in religion . They cannot combine . Mr . Lowo pointed out tho condition of Arabia , of Turkey , of Central Asia , and of China , as arguments for delay . " If Turkey is in peril I am Borry to hear that the Coalition has brought us to such a pass . " But Turkey was in greater peril in 1833 . Arabia was in insurrection—greatly disturbed by a now sect . And in China tho causes of tho late war had then commenced . Then tho reform measure

      of next year has been used as an argument , but that ia not now a difficult question , and if to suit his own convcnionco Lord John Itusscll has postponed English reform for two years , is India to continuo to bo misgoverned , and a similar delay for consideration refused ? Lord Stanley ' s amondmont leads to no substantial delay . It allows Ministers to mature in autumn a measure which might bo brought forward early noxt session and passed before Easter . " Sir , I do not know what may bo the fato of this amendment , but when I hear . of party questions and party feeling , I remombcr how often wo have struggled hore

      animated by such party feelings upon subjects which , although thoy may excito our passions for tho passing moment , aro but of a transitory and / looting nature . Wo havo had our party struggles , tho subjects of which have ofton boon 1 . consigned to oblivion , but wo uro struggling now for something that will not bo forgotten ; and howovor I may go into tho lobby , however my noblo friend may bo attended , I ' shall bo-supported by the consciousness tliat upon a groat occasion I at least attempted to do my duty by those who havo deemed mo worthy of their poli - tical confidence , and I shall at least do my utmost to connect their niimo with a course of policy which I think will bo honourable to themselves , and which I believe will bo boneficiul to tho country . " ( Loud choors . ) Mr . Disraeli , was in good humour throughout . Booidoa his relevant remarks he mado some points which

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      July 2 , 1853 . ] THE LE ADE R . 627

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 2, 1853, page 627, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1993/page/3/