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    Untitled Article

    a Dargan refuse a knighthood , and an Egerton pegging to be a Duke . "Knighthood ! " the very idea of an order has become a joke ; and now a dukedom is to be reduced to the level of a probate stamp—a seat in the hereditary legislature to be left , like a mourning ring , in a bequest . " Set a thief to catch a thief , " they say . Set a Duke , we say , to pulldown a dukeryl

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    BREACH OF PARLIAMENTARY TRUSTS . If Lord John Russell could appreciate the force of the practical reasons which , exist to induce him to standby his promise of a genuine Reform Bill next , session , possibly a national character might be imparted to the representative chamber of Parliament . Lord John holds that the representation , as it is now exercised by the representatives of a limited electoral body , is a " trust j " and we find by the accumulated facts of the present session , that the trust is essentially violated in several ways . We are not now speaking with reference to our own advanced opinions on this subject , but with reference to the standards that the most conservative constitutional politicians must recognise .

    In the first place , so far from representing the people , the fact is , that the House of Commons does not honestly represent even tlie constituency . The papers of the week publish the " results of the general election petitions , " by which we find that * since the general election , Members have been unseated for 24 placesnamely , 14 LiberalMembers and 18 Tories . Of that number , 1 ' has been unseated by the acceptance of office ; 1 other for want of property

    qualification ; 2 for rioting and intimidation ^ at tne election ; the rest , 27 in number , including all the l"ory Members of the list , unseated for bribery ! There were petitions also for 18 places - —involving 20 Liberal Members , 4 Tories , and 1 riondescript : —in . respect of which the Members have been declared to be duly elected . Of these , 2 were seated on petition ; and in respect of 6 Liberal Members and 1 Tory , the petitions have been declared to be " frivolous and vexatious . "

    These lists , however , are far from being complete . For example , we do not Gnd Durham nor many other places for which petitions _ were presented , and it is notorious that many petitions were not prosecuted . As it stands it is sufficient . Here are 30 Members out of 658—nearly 5 per cent , of the total number—convicted of false election : five per cent , of the representation is vitiated , and we know that the vice extends far deeper ! Mr . Coppock has declared that all the boroughs , from Abingdon to Yarmouth , are tainted : and Mr . Browno has expressed surprise that any petition should fail . The petition itself has become a fraud , bv favour of a pettifogging system which

    Parliament encourages ; partly because the system gives a profit to the election agenta , whose favours honourable Members feel bound to reciprocate : partly because in these sham contests the principal frauds of the election system are concealed . Instead of effecting any real reform to check this general depravity , Parliament has * r * Ur « Avnni > . <* c \ now means , new opportunities ,

    for pettifogging ingenuities ; and positively the lawyers have gone so far as to confirm a Member in his seat by a fictitious petition in favour of his opponent ; as titles to land used to be confirmed by fictitious " fine and recovery . " With 35 per cent , of the number which assembled on the meeting of Parliament convicted , the House ol Commons stands proclaimed by the agents of its own election to be tainted yet more deeply . Wo the liouso

    have a right , therefore , to say , that does not represent even the constituency . This , then , is the performance of that trust which Lord John ftusaoll will not leave to a secret vote , lest the trust be betrayed . Ho is like some of those trusty public servants in Spain , who force the messengers carrying public revenue for the Exchequer to go with great openness and with many precautions lest they BLuld not discharge their mission honostly-a nnM . ' nifer imd openness which marked them out

    for the brigand . The messenger implores a diajrnise , that ho may execute his trust in safety fro , says the public servant , honest men need no diBKuise ; you must act in the face of pub he Spin on Ami thus doing homage to " public op nion , " the pedantic public servant semis forth X messenger , duly marked out for the popular Robin Hood who is to intercept him . In representing a constituency falao to the law

    of election , how do the Members perform their duty P The sequel fits the commencement of the tale . It is the » business of the Member to watch over the public expenditure ; but he troubles himself very little with that . Occasionally , when there is any sufficient motive , mostly of some crotchety kind , a Member may be induced to make a speech on a grievance before going into committee of supply ; But the House frowns if he does so ; arid it takes very hardened members indeed to fulfil that duty . When the

    " grievance" is duly spit forth ; the Members for the most part retire to some pleasant party ; arid the business of " passing the votes" is left to the comparatively few business men who have some particular purpose to serve . There are certain things , indeed , that the Member watches very closely . One consists of local interests , which is fair enough . Another consists of interests of certain personal connexions—especially interests of share-holding companies , railways , and so forth . Lastly , there are the interests of party .

    These are the things that " whip" the Member to the division ; and to them he sacrifices , not only his vote , but the very conduct of business in parliament . If he were anxious to get on with the public business , he would relieve the Parliament of that " private business" —that county , or parish , or personal business , which ought to be referred to some local legislature , and which now prevents the proper execution of

    the general business . But he preserves Parliament as a votirig machine for Ministers and railway companies , and does not trouble his head with attempts to alter the system . If , then , the elector violates his trust , the Member follows the example . If the elector sacrifices his vote in the hope of an advantage , from 5 s . and upwards , the Member too often has an eye to the practical fruits of his rote .

    In former times the non-elector , whose trust is thus violated by elector and Member , used to have a sort of substitute for representation in the right to" petition . He still possesses it in name , but only in name . Overlaid _ with the local and private business which fatigues and encumbers Parliament , worn out by party contests , Members are compelled to help each other in reducing the old right of petition and of debate thereon to a form . Members present petitions as thev would shovel in waste paper , and

    gabble over all they are allowed to say about it —the prayer , which is as much attended to as another kind of prayers formally recited in the House . This betrayal of the right of petition is exemplified by Lord Brougham , at the same time that he shows how Parliament once used to be the true guardian of the public purse . We are promised a discontinuance of the income-tax in 1860 , and Lord Brougham does not believe it ; not because he distrusts Mr . Gladstone's intentions , but because he mistrusts the House of Commons . The income-tax was once established ,

    and once also abandoned in 1816 . But why P Because night after night Members presented petitions and debated the demands of the people , until Ministers were obliged to yield to the force of public opinion practically introduced within the walls of Parliament . There is no chnnco of its getting there now . Neither the elector nor the Member , nor the petition , are permitted to carry it there , and thus , while sacrificing the right of petition , Parliament has abandoned its office as guardian over the public purse . As the elector betrays his trust , as the Member betrays it , so tho whole House has betrayed it .

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    FREEDOM OF BRITISH BEER . The importance of a question depends on various circumstances . Sometimes tho fate of countries is involved . An Englishman is pushed down in tho etreots of Florence , tho Foreign-office is all alive , ambassadors hurry to and fro , Queen ' smessengors are despatched , and tho States of Europe wait to see whether England will go to war with Florence for the sake of her insulted gentleman . Sometimes the fate of a Government is in the balance , a speech on thia side or on that —an awkward confession of ihdjrecfc objectsmay docido the policies of a country . Questions of this kind are important , because of the magnitude of the interests they involve . But there are others apparently of a minor character , which do not tho less affect the welfare of society , especially when taken in proportion to tho number of persons they concern . Of such a kind is the Boer monopoly . Munich has mutinied for

    its malt liquor , and the Englishman , who is ? 'pertikler fond of his beer , " feels himself wronged by the monopolies of a Meux or the tyrannies of a Barclay . Who is there that has not an opinion to express P Who does not feel some interest in the ultimate issue of the pending struggle P First of all come the anti-monopolists ; having done away with all monopolies , why should beer oe exempt from emancipation P If the national beverage is at stake , why not uphold it ? Is not the Englishman ' s ale as dear to him as trial by jury ? Is not porter his universal

    suffrage , stout his habeas corpus ? But still we have made no small sacrifices of feeling in carrying out the principles of Free-trade , although the whole world is against us , and there is no reason why we should allow monopolies to exist at home . Why have privileged brewers any more than borough-mongers P why brewers' licensed victuallers any more than freemen P Porter is a br ^ ad ^ and-cheese question . At whatever cost , then , let beer take its chance with corn . Then come the Beer-drinkers themselves , from the customers of Bass andAllsopp to the humblest villagers who talk politics over

    their pot of Beer . One and all cry out against a system which serves only to enrich the few at the expense of the many , and furnishes them with an inferior article when they ought to have a good one . Let Beer , then , cOme under the regular law of supply and demand , and the injustice will be done away . Destroy the tyranny of the Brewers ; and let the question of price be settled between the publicans and their customers . Such is the case of the " Thirsty soul " and " Beer-drinker . " And there can be no doubt that they have a fair show of reason on their aide . It is for the Brewers to establish their

    claim to an exemption , and to show that the restrictive system is better for the public than the reverse , since we have long ago seen the folly of Protection , when Protection is all on one side . Unless the Brewer and Publican can prove that they can furnish better beer , at a cheap rate ; under the present system , than if the trade were thrown open to competition , . " Thirsty soul" and his numerous friends have established their case . John Bull cares more for his Beer than for the pockets of those who sell it , and he is determined to see the matter righted .

    But , ' after all , who are to blame P It is important to know this , if only to estimate the strength of the opposition . We take it that the Brewers and the Magistrates are not the only persons in fault . There is , indeed , one heavy charge against the Brewer which we shall dismiss at once . Some of the largest Brewers in London refuso to supply beer-shops , lest they

    should inflict injury upon houses where they have a large property at stake . A superior article implies a more extensive custom , and it is for tho interest of the Brewer to supply his best beer , in places where an increase of custom insures the largest return of profits to himself . In many cases the Brewer has lent the money for carrying on the business , and tho Publican is a mere puppet in his hands .

    But in these restrictions the Brewers received no small assistance from Landlords and Builders . For instance : the Marquis of Tothilfields has a large piece of ground to let for building purposes ; Mr . Footrule , > a speculating builder , takes tho ground , and re-lets it in small sites , or he covers it with buildings himself . One convenient spot alone is loft unoccupied . Tho most advantageous offers are made , Tbut the speculators are deaf to all entreaties ; and the spot remains , like somo piece of consecrated ground , unlet , untenanted . It may bo destined , think tho calculating neighbours / fora school , a chapel , orachurch P Presently tho public are informed that tho sacred spot is to bo tho site for a publichouse . Forthwith a shoal

    of applicants rush to have tho tenancy granted to them . These are dismissed , until tho whole ground having boon occupied with dwellinghouses , the Builder constructs a " flash" house on tho unoccupied corner , place's a man in it as his ' tenant , and Bends him off to tho Magistrates to ask for a liconco . Tho requisite inquiries ax » made and answered to tho full satisfaction of tho Bench . There is a largo population in tho district , a demand for a Public House , and there can bo no ground for refusal . The licence is obtained ; instantly tho value of tho property ia enhanced in proportion ; and tho Builder sells the house to tho beat bidder , realizing an enormous profit by the speculation .

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    ^ uly 2 , i 853 . ] THE LEADER . G 37

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), July 2, 1853, page 637, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1993/page/13/