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    and learned gentleman , looting to that fact , can pretend to say , by any construction he could put upon the words , that any offer of office was then intended . " When Lord Naas had concluded , Major Bebesfoed made some remarks . He said : — " No man whatever authorized me to offer or hint at office to the honourable and learned gentleman and I , not being bo authorized , never , directl y or indirectly suggested to , my noble friend ( lord Naas ) to offer or hint at office to the honourable and learned gentleman . " Respecting the interview between Mr . Keogh and himself , Major Beresford said :

    I happened to meet the honourable and learned gentleman , and I did—not in the parliamentary language he has made use of to-night , but confidentially and quietly —state to him , that I was astonished at the virulence and malignity of that attack ( an attack on Mr . Disraeli ); and after that I did , in the course of conversation , not as a fact , but as a matter of inquiry , ask whether he had not received , through my noble friend ( Lord Naas ) , a kindly and friendly communication from myself . I was simply desirous of ascertaining whether ho had received that

    message or not ; and that was the conversation on which the honourable and learned gentleman now rides off , and attempts to show that I authorized my noble friend to offer him office . As to the offer of office to the honourable and learned gentleman by Lord Derby , or any member of his Government , I fear that is an idea which exists only in the imagination of the honourable and learned gentleman , brilliant and Hibernian as it is ; but if he now means to say that the offer of the Solicitor-Generalship of Ireland was then made to him , I can only say , ' the wish was father to the thought . ' "

    After some unimportant explanations from Mr . Napieb and Mr . Isaac Bxttt , Mr . Disbaem expressed hi 3 opinion . Referring to Mr . KeoghV career , commenced as a Conservative , and praising his ability , he avowed that he would have been neither astonished nor displeased if Lord Derby had offered him office . As to the question before the House , he thought the statements of Lord Naas and Mr . Keogh were " reconcilable . " " What was more natural ( relations of intimacy existing between both at the time , the new Government having been formed , and therefore there being no possibility of any immediate misunderstanding ) than that my noble

    friend , especially as he had had a recent conversation with my right honourable friend the member for Essex , should have sounded the honourable and learned gentleman whether there was a prospect of the honourable and learned gentleman and his friends assuming an attitude of considerable opposition to the new Government ? That I take to be the state of the case as regards my noble friend . Well , then , take the position of the honourable and learned gentleman . He finds himself in confidential communication with one who had become a Minister of the Crown ; from most friendly feelings he is absolutely

    assisting my noble friend , and my noble friend endeavours to ascertain what might be the future conduct of the honourable and learned gentleman and his friends by asking him in this way , ' Now , what would you have done if Lord Derby had offered you office ? ' It is not remarkable that the honourable and learned gentleman should have considered as that something more than what I sincerely believe it was intended to convey , and that he should have fancied that it referred to certain results more important than the nature of the circumstances rendered practicable . "

    Mr . Disraeli added : — " I warn the House not to subject overy expression that may fall on either side to that keen Kcrutiny which we apply to public documents and public conduct . We should be rendering intercourse between man and man and gentleman and gentleman more difficult and disagrceablo every day , if we put always the most uncharitable construction on their observations , or subjected every passage in their lives with too much keenness to criticism . ( Cheers . ) I think the honourable and learned gentleman and my noblo friend were entirely influenced in their original conduct by kind and genial feelings . Circumstances have since occurred on which I will give no opinion as regards tho conduct of the honourable and learned gentleman until they are fairly brought under our notice ; but , as far as the present matter in concerned , I Khali consider that ho has done nothing , as a _ gentleman and officer of the Crown , deserving condemnation . "

    Lord John Russell stated " the results of tlio discussion . " An attack was mnde on Mr . Keogh by Lord Eglinton , who slated that liis appointment was tho " least reputable" of the Government appointments :- — Tho noblo lord opposite Bays , that when tho Into d'overnmont was formed ho was in friendly coniiiiiiriication with tho right hon . and learned member , tor the purpose of ascertaining what wore liin feelings with respect to the Govornmont then about to bo formed . A right lion . Gentleman holding the office * of Secretary at War , nml who was in immediate communication with tho members of the Cabinet , authorized tho noblo lord to state that the towards tho honand

    fooling !) of tho then Government . learned gentleman and hi « friends would bo oi a liumdly deHcrii ) tion . Tho right lion , gentleman tho mouther lor Bucks haH said , thai tho talentu and abilities of tho present Bolicitor-Gonoral for Ireland , and tho couroo which lioluul pursued in political life , would havo led him to think it Suite natural that an offer oi oH . co should bo imulo to Mm , and that ho , at least , would not havo boon Hurprmed nor would ho havo disapproved of huoi an of or had it been made . Thi « , then , is tho result , of Iho dmousHion ; ™? 1 il h ono which tho honourable and luarnoil gonllomnn Sfy in tho it instance , I * proud of obtaining from tho Sin of a question involving imputation * mmlo upon hS Zrwtor by ono who had hold *> high an olhce as

    that of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland . ( Cheers ) . That accusation is now swept away . ( Cheers ) . It is gone , and gone for ever . ( Eenowed cheers ) . Lord John then blamed Lord Naas for not having immediately and promptly answered the appeal by letter of Mr . Keogh as to the correctness ot Mr . Keogh ' s statement of what had occurred . Such a want of fairness , candour , and of honourable consideration for the feelings and character of a person with whom the noble lord had been upon terms of friendship , it has seldom been my lot to witness . ( Loud cheers . ) All this , be it observed too , from a noble lord who , though

    he has said he was not much used to making speeches in that House , yet is one who is particularly nice with respect to public conduct , and who , not very long since , constituted himself a public accuser , and should therefore be remarkably careful in the conduct which be pursues towards those to whom he happens to be particularly opposed . ( Lo . ' . d cheers . ) I do not think that as the result of this discussion there is any reason to doubt the veracity of either the hon . and learned gentleman the Solicitor-General , or of the noble lord opposite , but I think , by his own showing and that of the right hon . gentleman opposite , that there was every reason for the hon . and learned

    gentleman to suppose that the Government of the Earl of Derby would have been willing to offer office to him ; but whether it were so or not , there is no reason to doubt the veracity of either of the hon . members of this House . But there is reason to regret that it should be necessary to state private communications and read private letters in order to meet the rash and reckless accusations which have been brought against the honourable and learned gentleman , and that the late Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland should have taken the opportunity , in the absence of the honourable and learned gentleman , to make an unfounded attack upon his character . ( Loud cheers . )

    Sir John Pakington objected to Lord John ' s tone of " triumph" and " censure . " He agreed with Mr . Disraeli , that Lord Derby , when he took office , might reasonably have offered office to Mr . Keogh ; he was an avowed Conservative . But since that time Mr . Keogh ' s language had not been reputable . He had " publicly and physically" trampled the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill under feet , and had mnde a solemn appeal to the Deity never to take office under any Government which did not make Sharrnan Crawford ' s bill a Cabinet question . ! Mr . Keogh said this was " a fresh issue , " but it

    touched ground new and unsafe , lo his knowledge , no meeting had occurred in Ireland on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill since the conversation with Lord Naas had taken place . ( Cheers . ) But as to his speeches , he was prepared to meet any charge respecting them at the proper time . He warmly thanked Mr . Disraeli for his " kind and most generous compliments . " Mr . Whiteside reiterated Lord Eglinton ' s condemnation of Mr . Keogh ' s appointment as " not reputable . " It offered a premium on Irish agitation . After a few words from Mr . Bentistck and Mr Vance , the subject then dropped .

    In the House of Lords last evening the matter was referred to again . Lord Westmeath moved for a select Committee , to inquire into Mr . Keogh ' s " seditious language : " referring to tho " long dark nights of winter , " and suggesting danger to the Tory voters . Lord Westmeath road affidavits from local magistrates , and others , affirming that Mr . Keogh had used the words . The Duke of Newcastle said , ho was glad that he had no necessity for defending Mr . Keogh after the declaration of Mr . Disraeli , and the result of the debate in the Commons , Was it " fair , " was it " English conduct , " to bring forward these

    accusations , as Ifad been done by Lord Westmeath , without giving Mr . Keogh such notice as would enable him to send to Ireland for evidence ? Tho speech made by Mr . Keogh was an impromptu harangue at a town called Moute , which Mr . Keogh visited without premeditation . Mr . M'Nevin , a respectable solicitor of Dublin , testified that he hoard this speech , and that Mr . Keogh " never used the improper language " attributed to him . Defending Mr . Keogh at some length , the Duke declared the Government quite ready to moot the polished and pointed darts of tho noblo carl opposite ( Lord Derby ) , or tho miserable rusty bolts that may conic from tho battered quiver of the noble marquis ( Westmeath ) .

    Lord Kolinton re-echoed his assertion , that the appointment of Mr . Keogh was " not reputable , " and read an affidavit testifying to the uso of Lho words from "Jaini'H Burke , " also a letter from Mr . Browne , a magistrate , stating that twenty gentlemen of independence and station arc prepared to prove the words — words used by u Solicitor-General , " distinctly recommending assassination . " The Karl of Ahkhpkkn pointed out that this affidavit was known to Lord Eglinton when in oilicc , ami yet ; no prosecution had then boon instituted . Tho whole accusation was of the most ; trumpery description . Lord Brougham olijeoted to tho proposed inquiry , an interfering with the judicial functions of tho Hounc , who finally might havo to try tho case of " nedition , "

    The Earl of Deeby pointed out that the attack made was not on Mr . Keogh personally , but on the Government for appointing him Solicitor-General . Looking at Mr . Keogh ' s conduct in the course of the summer , the appointment was a discreditable one . Lord Derby himself never thought of offering office to Mr . Keogh . Inquiry into the matter was but natural , when affidavits from respectable persons affirmed the use of the words—denied only by Mr . Keogh himself and Mr . M'Nivon . After some additional remarks from Lords Campb e ll , Claniucabde , and Lord Westmeath , tho motion was withdrawn .

    THE BALLOT . The debate on Tuesday on this subject was marked by the use of many old arguments , some fresh illustrations , and a few spirited speeches on botli sides of the question . The opening argument of the supporters of the ballot was the present state of our representative system . That system includes tho respective preparations of Frail and Coppock , with all their men in masquerade of false wigs and dyed whiskers , the " pagan bacchanalia" of the election , the intimidation by landlords , employers , creditors , customers , and Eoman Catholic

    priests , the murderous outrages , and cruel evictions used for intimidation and revenge in Ireland , the pollution of patronage through the dockyard voters , the general " blackguardism and brutality" of our contests , and then the " flocks of low attorneys rejoicing over the prospect of teeming election petitions , involving an outlay of some 200 , 000 £ . " Sixty-seven petitions had resulted from the last election ; and the result of the inquiries already terminated were , that sixteen members had been unseated for bribery , four for treating only , seven for bribery combined , one for . an illegal

    engagement to pay money to get a seat , and there had been two unseated for intimidation and riot . The general extent of intimidation was denied by Mr . SrDNEr Hekbert , who pointed to " the alteration that had been effected by the pressure of public opinion . " There was now no Duke of Newcastle claiming a right over the consciences of people . ( Mr . Bright afterwards , in reply , reminded the House ot the Marquis of Londonderry ' s interference in Down , and of the conduct of other Irish landlords . ) In Wiltshire his own tenants voted against Mr . Herbert , and public opinion would now restrain a man if he turned out a tenant for such cause .

    With the exception of this remark , the opponents of the ballot did not deny the general representation of the evils in the present system . The application of the ballot as a remedy for these evils was then discussed . It was asserted on one side that the ballot would check bribery . This was denied : bribery , under the ballot , would be rather aggravated , and made secret and certain . What prevents bribery at present ? Perjury , fear of detection , and the uncertainty of success . When a man is calculating upon obtaining a seat by bribery , he thinks " 1 may spend my money , and gain nothing

    for it ; I may bribe a great many , and yet he second on the poll . " By the ballot the whole danger is removed , and that check is unavailable , for of course the candidate goes on the principle of " play or pay . If I win , so much a head : if I ain beaten , nothing . " At present , with a 5 A note , the candidate only -buys an unwilling voter , hut with the 51 . depending on the result of the election , the voter would canvass his friends , and become an agent or n partisan . In fact , towns would be bribed by wholesale . To this argument tho IJcforiners retorted , that a bribe would not he given to a dishonest voter , as under tho ballot ho would not . bo

    trusted ; that at least the ballot would " nmke the market uncertain ; " and that they did not mean to have such little rotten lioroughs as could be bought . Could Manchester , Birmingham , Leeds , he bought wholesale ? Throughout tho debate , however , there seemed a tacit admission by tho advocates for tho ballot that , as a preventive of bribery , it , would not he completely ellective . Its defeat of intimidation they put forward as its main merit .

    " Nobody breaks a man ' s hones to pcr . siuidu him lo vote ; nobody upsets a man in his oirringo in or < l « r to propitiate him ; nobody hiimsIick h man ' s windows unless he knows how lift is going to vote . The Hocrooy of the ballot , in hik-Ii a cas « forms the neourity of tho man ; and I hold it . in tho constitutional mode of serin-ing purity of election . ( II ear . ) Then , in Ireland , tho ballot would have averted tho cat . uHtroph ' oat . Six-inilo bridge . ( Hear . ) In tho tirst place , no landlords would pilo up their tenantry on curt . s , like living bides of fronds , and consign them to l . iio next , polling-booth guarded l > y military , if they hud tho ballot , hoeau . so tho men would oidy thank them for the conveyimoe , and then vote in their teeth ; no mol > would assemble either to rescue a voter from the power of a landlord , or to HI-mho him if lie wnH an opponent , seeing that it . would bo impossible to know which way ho was tf tf to vote . "

    Lord John Kuhsku- was eloquent m replying to thin argument : — " Tho spirit of liberty hftH grown in thin country by tho patriotism , by tho boldness , and by tho courage with which

    Untitled Article

    June 18 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER / 579

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 18, 1853, page 579, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1991/page/3/