On this page

• Text (3)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    Untitled Article

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    Untitled Article

    might bavebeen talked of as second-rate , and which would be reputation for $ Lord Advocate , His argument wflyst the stele one , the only novelty being an unparalleled loud bpw-wowry delivery of it , that a voter fop a Member of Parliament exercised a public trust akin tx > that of the member when he comes to vote for men an 4 measure ? . Lord John Russell repeated this impudent sophistry ; and Lor 4 Jobp , and the Lord Advocate , and the Secretary at War , spoke as if it were assumed that the question was a mere abstract question ; as if , at this moment , the public trust of a vote was exercised conscientiously , —as if the

    people was universally an honest people , —and as if it was taken for granted by everybody that the country WM a remarkably conscientious and free country , and national ruin would come if men were to " skulk " ( Lord John ' s word ) from a profession of their political opinions ; it being , to Lord John ' s mind , more manly to bft bullied and bribed than to be secretive , and more hypocritical not to tell how you voted than to vote against your convictions . But this twaddly triad was not well answered . Mr . Bright certainly crushed Mr . Sidney Herbert's assumption that we had " progressed " in public spirit , and that there were no more Dukes of Newcastle doing what they liked with their own , by a detailed reading to the House of the famous

    Londonderry correspondence about the County of Down . And Mr . Bright would have gone on to make a splendid speech , as usual , if there had been time ; but it was one in the morning , and the young Lords' and old Lords' retainers , whom he b * ad insulted by divulging the truths of the country system which sustained them , were noisy and restive , and Mr . Bright is getting cautious , and has lost his old partiality for talking amid Tory yells and hootings , and so he closed abruptly , and his speech stands as a truncated oration addressed only to one part of the question . Mr . Cobden ' s was an inexpressibly unwise speech : in every particular a mistake ; but one specimen suffices . His peroration was a declaration that there was no cure for bribery but the ballot ; and he would , consequently , oppose an

    extension of the suffrage if the ballot did not accompany it . That is Mr . Cebden ' s faith in the masses of England It is a revelation of his real , undoubtedly not Radical , nature . The accidents of the question of Free Trade made Mr . Cobden a popular leader : but he never had any business in connexion with the working-classes . Essentially a middle-class man , and a political economist , not a politician , he has no sympathy whatever with the masses , and , in feet , heartily at once fears and contemns them . And other quasi Democrats talk from the same point o £ view . Extension of the suffrage is asked pn one ground , because it is prudent to make scoundrel constituencies so numerous that they would be too many to buy , and would , consedishonest and in the

    quently , have no temptation to y ; saine way , the ballot , which is simply a machinery to protect the impressionable , is asked because it would prevent bribery—the calculation being that when you are not sure of the vote you wont pay a price for it . Mr . S . Herbert answered that queerly for a bold Briton , proud of his nation— " Why , " said he , " that is not sound j for when a gentleman wanted to get into parliament , he'd make a bargain with the voters , and pay them only on condition that lie was returned , so that corruption would be increased , and you would not only have men bribpd , as now , but you would add another iniquitous system , by which it w ould be t he interest of evpry man bribpd to canvass and otter bribes for the votes of others . " Ifow much this sort of reckless aud

    foolish talk injures the cause of British democracy , may boascertaiiiabie by-and-byo ; but let us hope it is exceptional talk , and that there is left n school ot Liberals who do not believe , bee ; uiso there is ft large percentage of scamps in the towns , and of poltroons in the cojmtios , th » t therefore there is not a true and pure mass among the people , who would compel ff <*> d # | f " meat in England , without the protection ot Iho JmUotbox ( Sir llobert Peel mado a speech for the ballot , winch would justify a revolution : hut Sir Robert ' s onitioiw are only amusing , not important ; hu is 11 droll , not a statesman . Proprietor of Tamwortli , he despises corruption : and he thinks that tho lumiud interest need

    not h » Hfr «« l o € the Ballot , because " Property , sir , wijji always hi » vo ita influence . " lu other wordy , » f you bring up h place , ami every votor in your tenant , you ' ro sure U ) have a majority . " But that ' s »<>< - altogether Sir Roberta point of view about tho ballot ; ho knows that his domuro brother—it is tho fraternity of Duke Rolicrt and Henry Heuucloro — votes atrainst the ballot , and that is enough to ensure Sir ltUert ' * voto / or . An Coleridge said of Don Quixote and fciancho IW-u , ibut each wuh the half of u perfect man ho it may be ruijiciiil » eml , that if the natures ot Kobort mid Frederick IVel were conjoined , wo should

    have a perfect statesman . Separated , each in affljctingly incomp lete : Frederick all reason : —« omo one iibked

    once if ho was £ he head of the family , and was answered , No , he is only the brains—and Robert all passion j the steam boiler in one place , and the wheels and cranks in the other , motionless and resultless for want of connexion with the steam . Sir Robert is the greater success of the two in tho house ; he is a " character , " and has a recognised position , succeeding , in some degree , to the now-silent place of the decaying Sibthorpe . He is an " independent member ; " that is , no one knows how he'll vote until they see him in the lobby . He occasionally joins the standard of the Earl of Derby ; but he has no particular rule in politics , beyond that of balancing the Peel interest by always plumping against his brother . He is a Liberal Conservative : and he understands that to

    mean—votmg to-day with the Whigs , and to-morrow with the Tories : occasionally digressing in favour of Radicalism , as on Tuesday . He was in favour of the Ballot ; and described the Ballot as preferable to open voting , because it is ' ' a free and easy , and effective system : " but the first two adjectives sufficiently explained his hopes : —he would have the country " free , " but only on condition that it ' s " easy" as well . Sir Robert represents the free and easy interests ; that is his style of thought and talk . He ' s the free-and-easiest orator in Parliament : he stands with one hand in his pocket , and he twirls a cane in the other—sometimes varying

    the gesture by twirling his moustache . He gives solemn advice to the country gentlemen—a sagacity he derives , perhaps , from studying his father ' s career—to give way on the Ballot now , gracefully , because gracefully or not , they would be certain to have to do it in a few years . He said the Ballot was the Cape Horn of polities—and that was taken as a mot , and Sir Robert grinned heartily with the grinning House ; and he particularly advised Sir James Graham—the Philip Van Artevelde of the voyage—not to make such a fuss about this , as having swallowed every other political nostrum , surely he needn't stick at this dose ?

    that is Sir Robert ' s fun ; and he fancies that when the House roars at his brusqueries it is laughing with him , and in no degree at him , which is surely a mistake . He was very funny on Lord John—some people thought it was sheer impudence—but the House didn't stop to inquire if it was respectful , and laughed unreservedly ; a noticeable sign that Lord John is going down . Sir Robert ' s position has been obtained in this way ; long resident abroad , he has no party connexions here , and no party training , and has apparently quarrelled with his family , and is thus not under the necessity of consulting any one , and accordingly gives full swing to his whims ; and manages always , when he gets on his legs and cane , to blurt out , without the slightest arriere pensee , exactly what ho thinks , which is usually

    what other people are thinking at the time , but would not venture to say publicly , about prominent public men . When he gets up it is known something insolent—something that only Sir llobert dare say—is to be expected ; and his words are hung upon as if ho were a crack debater and a great man . Then his name and career have made him talked about ; his private affairs extensively discussed , and his disposition and tendencies relentlessly criticised ; and thus ho has tho advantage , when ho speaks , of speaking to people who know intimately everything about him and are curious to know more ; and so all turn their heads towards him and watch his every sy llable , and laugh consumedly . All except Mr . Frederick , who deepens his demureness , holds his head down , and ponders on tljo principle of primogeniture .

    But Sir Robert only led himself out of tho country party into the ballot lobby . Lord John following , but not noticing the erratic baronet—who thought he had hit on a good description when he spoke of the " eccentric member for Middlesex "—hail put his elbows into his hands , trotted out Sidney from that eternal scaffold , mentioned Sir John Elliott ( be ban taken to that patriot since he married into tho M'intos ) , invoked vigour , candour , and openness in public affairs mid public trusts , and suggesting , in reply to Mr . Bright , that tho Massachusetts convention had not yet made up its mind about secret voting , very solemnly concluded" Well then , let uh pause . " ( Loud cheers from the in the

    Whigs . ) And then Lord John sut down . That crreat Whig policy . Conventions are being 1 »« M ' » MassuuhUHotts , whilp corruption is eating- into the hi-art of England ; n » d Lord John adjures the House of Common * " to pause . " And the House paused accordingly ; and tho character of the division would appear to be this—because Massachusetts is iw » t decided , Kiiirluud suspend ** her opinion about tho question of oprii as against secret voting . Mr . Bright is responsible for putting tho idea into Lord John ' s head . Mr . Bright took tho JIouso to MuHSUchusotta , and told all about the system llioro ; he was oven dramatic in Ins narrative . Burke ' a memorable dagger was paralleled by Bright ' * uBtoniBjnug envelope—tlw envelope in

    which Massachusetts electors deposit their voteswhich Mr . Bright waved before the eyes of the British Senate , and called upon them to admire and to adopt . It has come to this with the British constitution , that it ' s a question of an envelope—a self-scaling envelope , and the mouth of the British lion , a mere Venetian letter-box . But this episode in the debate startled Lord John ; perhaps he thought the envelope a great invention , in which there might be a national salvation —self-sealing ; and in closing the discussion he did not give a direct negative—he only asked for time , till we have further news from Boston . Tfc was not a great attitude for a great statesinan to take ; but Lord John does nothing but pause now . The ballot might well have been approved on Tuesday , if only as a machinery for preventing a repetition of such scenes as have been disclosed this session in the Committee corridors . We are now nearly at the end of these hideous revelations ; the Liverpool committee will worthily bring up the disgusting procession of infamies ; and up to this moment Lord John , " leader , " and therefore responsible , has done nothing even in the way of hint at a remedy . There are several writs still suspended , and several commissions are in process ; but still no rule is being applied . Even for Harwich a writ is renewed , Lord John being content to pause there ; and assuring the House ( Ralph Osborne and Robert Lowe honourably voted against him , as they did on Tuesday , when secret voting was also an open question ) that "in time , " with increased trade and communications with the vest of the coast , Harwich may become very respectable—meanwhile new liberty being given to it to repeat the old scoundrelisms which , even in a nation of corrupt borough constituencies , lias made it a conspicuous abomination . Lord John is apparently resolved not to meddle with the matter until , in due course , he comes to the Reform Bill next session ; and then we shall see Mr . Cobden voting" against Lord John Russell , on an extension of the suffrage , and Mr . Bright leading British democracy , —our Henry of Navarre being discernible in t he melee by a white—envelope . "A Steanger . " Saturday Morning .

    Untitled Article

    NOTICE TO CORRESPONDENTS . - Will Mr . It . M . W . favour us with his present address . Wo are desirous of communicating with him .

    Untitled Article

    Use of Adveb . sa . kies . —The adversaries of a good cause are like men who strike at the coals of a large fire . They scatter the coals and propagate the fire . — From Goethe ' s Opinions . Teue LiuERAii . —A truly liberal man employs all the means in his power to do all the good he can . He does not rush in with fire and jswortl to abolish imperfections , which are sometimes unavoidable . He endeavours , by cautious progress , to remove the ills of the body politic ; hut he eschews violent measures , which crush one evil but to create another . In this imperfect world of ours , he is content with the good , until time and circumstances favour him in his aspirations after the better . —From Goethe ' s Opinions . The NATATi Hokse . —The Natal horse , indeed , deserves something more than a mere passing notice . Ho is a small , and l > y no means a showy animal , nor does ho possess any of the points fur which an Englishman would look in a good hunger or hackney . His shoulder is very much depressed , and the withers are generally so low that when on his back you have , to nsoa finniliar expression , " nothing before you , " and it is no easy matter to keep the waddle in its proper place . He is very narrow in the ribs , ho much so that an English saddle , unless made by one who thoroughly understands the matter , and well stufled , is sure to gall the hack—¦ tho worst evil that can happen to an African horse . To avoid this a false panel is often added , uiul siuldlecIotliH are in very general use , but u . s they increase the heat it is better to do without them if possible . — I $ AUtkk ' h J ) orj > and Veld . Alvin'K Flowiokb . —While the Alpine flora oilers a rich treat to the eye , through itn large flowers , and their pure colours and lovely forms , they are , on the other hand , incapable of pleasing any of tho other BenaciH of man . Will ) a few exceptions , which indeed refer only to plants occurring solely in the lower part , of tho / one , the flowers of Alpine plants are scentless . An increased dugree of heal , generally also dryness of Iho Hoil and atmosphere , favour l . ho development of those ( jt'cretionH which are volatilized from flowers , whence the south of lOuroju ' , for example , has far more Bweet-HcenU- 'd plants than the north , and the nunilicrof odoriferous plants in general incrcaHcu towards the equator ; it is therefore readily to be comprehended Unit the Aim ' \ ihintn , which grow in a constantly moist , soil , at the lowest iM > . ssihle temperature , cuunot be odoriferous . —Scuouw ' tf Mwbh , Wants , and Man .

    Untitled Article

    Jvm U , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . 503

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 18, 1853, page 593, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1991/page/17/