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besides other facts winch indeed confess the atrocious impotence of the Government . It is at this very season , however , that the Government is contemplating a loan , that annual expedient which every year becomes more difficult , but which must be doubly so under the circumstances described . It is at this season too that the Court is amusing itself by experiments in military costume , which do not answer , wasting money in new military saddles , which are rejected when they are made ; and in trying to force upon the heads of the infantry a Prussian morion , which the men so much dislike that it " wears out with a most marvellous rapidity . Whatever
the hold of the Government over the people by means of the army may be , it is evident , by this fact , that the hold of the Government over the army is not absolute . In 1821 , the carbonari in Piedmont found no difficulty in procuring the revolt of several regiments ; and isolated as the Austrian army is , strongly as the character of a separate incorporation has been imparted to that immense body , it cannot still be unconscious of its power , —cannot he without its own desires , its own ambition , its own trusted leaders . The army of Austria , by which the provinces have been conquered for the Government , could conquer those provinces for itself ; and its leaders must know as much . While Russia , therefore ,
has its hand against Europe , Austria has its hand against its own people , its own traders , its own merchants , and its own army . The last , of course , it will continue to gratify and feed as long as it can ; but how can an army be fed out of a bankrupt exchequer ? How can an exchequer be rendered solvent when the very sources of industry are oppressed ? Of these two great powers of Europe , Austria is decidedly the weaker .
It is evidently the policy of Russia to postpone as long as possible that European war , in the course of which she might augment her possessions at a blow ; and in which , besides snatching Turkey from English commerce to be included in her own prohibitory frontier , she might snatch Hungary or Bohemia from Austria , and the Baltic from Denmark . But it is not at all certain that Austria , even if she were to retain her imperial ambitions , would surrender the contest to her great rival patron . A statesman
has already been found to promulgate from . Vienna a constitution for all the Austrian provinces ; and although he has been lodged in a madhouse , we all know that if the iirst offenders go mad , benefits sometimes survive for those who may retain their senses . The House of Hapsburg has been fond of power , and probably it will be found to be fond of power on any terms . An alliance with King Leopold , constitutional monarch of Belgium , forbids the idea that even Austria has for ever separated herself from Europe .
She has done so , indeed , from Switzerland , as Prussia has . With interests hostile to "Russia in Hungary , most hostile to Eussia in Turkey , hostile to European liberty in Switzerland , Austria is siding with constitutional Belgium against Louis Napoleon , who is throwing forth oilers of friendship to Switzerland and to Italy , and Austrian provinces ; and" England is acting witli France , and with Austria in Turkey , all being agaiuHt Russia . Thus events begin to grow complicated . Even if an explosion should bo deferred for the moment , wo are enabled to discern the disposition of several parties jih clearly as we see the distribution of an army in ( he distant night under-a ilasli of lightning which precedes the storm .
There is ono interest which is sure to gain by any unloosening of the bonds which now hold down Europe , and that is the interest of the nations . When rogues fall out , honest folks have their day ; wbon Austria and Russia , and any of tho crowned heads are disputing , the peoples will put in their claim and will bo listened to . The voieo of Italy , which Austria refuses to hear , may be audible to the ears of France ; and tho voice of Turkey , unheard to Russia , already sounds like House in tho ears of Austria , a « well , an of . Franco and England .
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WBA . TU ON THE SURRENDER OF CUBA . Louii Cakltrmc ' s speech in presenting' # & ^ Tamwoa petition on the subject of /^ yefy ^ Cuba ought to rend a lesson to Hovoral" of oti&frienfls who have miaunderBtood our , atgumcmis % n that
point . Of all men in the world , Lord Carlisle is the one who can be the least suspected of ill feeling or insincerity . His information and literary culture are good , and if nbt always able to arrive at a sound conclusion by main force of lo < nc , he has many aids to work towards it , at least . He is the brother of that lady who has placed herself at the head of the aristocratic
slaveryabolitionist movement in this country , of that duchess who is the ally of Mrs . Beecher Siowe ; and long associations with the anti-slavery party pledge Lord Carlisle to that side as much as his sympathies would naturally do . But his cultivated mind and thorough sincerity make him able to admit that the course which seems the moat easy and direct may not be the best for its
purpose . Now Lord Carlisle makes two confessions on very important points , corroborating what we have ur ^ ed on t he same subject to the vexation of some of our friends . Speaking of the imperial policy respecting the British colonies in ^ the West Indies , and the encouragement it gives to the cultivation of slave-grown cotton , he says , '' I cannot deny my own complicity in the adoption of that policy : at this time of day I feel great ht
doubt whether , in so doing , I was rig or wrono-. " In other words , Lord Carlisle begins to perceive that the free-traders who forgot the declaration of that eminent free-trader , Mr . Deacon Hume , that the West Indies were out of the pale of free trade , did not enlarge the benefits of their own principle , but did expose the West Indies , which ought to have been the school for the free negro , to that half ruin which has attended them , and has made them an
example to avoid instead of follow . Spain is the possessor of Cuba , and is the ally of this country ; she professes to act with us in suppressing the slave trade , and is under treaties for that purpose . But she has made Cuba a depot for the slave trade . This has been done by peculiar means . General "Valdez was Governor of Cuba , and exerted himself to the utmost for the faithful fulfilment of the treaties ; he became very unpopular , and was removed . General Concha did not quite equal General Valdez , but he
refused the perquisite which is enjoyed by moat Cuban governors—fees for conniving at the slave trade ; he also became unpopular , and was removed . The governors who enjoy their post in peace , have been thoso who make no scruple to pocket the perquisite , and who enforce internal laws which impede the tracing of newly-introduced slaves ; but they are most popular who , like the present Governor , wink at the utmost developments of the slave trade , and defend the that insult British
officers of the Spanish navy officers when attempts are made to enforce fulfilment of the treaties . In reflecting on this last trait in the conduct of General Canedo , we must confess that we put no faith in the assurances of Lord Clarendon , that in future that officer may hehave better . To use plain English , we do not believe it . But just now we arc dealing with tho confessions of Lord Carlisle , who , after he has described the facts , speaks thus : —
" My noble friend will , I nm sure , not deny that gross derelictions of their duty have been frequently manifested on the part of tho Spanish Government . Why , talk of eausos of war with Spain , sure 1 am that this country has been over and over again embroiled in long and ruinous wars on grounds which , in my jud gment , were absolutely paltry in comparison with this . Let mo not bo understood as expressing an opinion that this country ifi called upon to go to war with Spain , even tor the suppression of the nlavo trade . J know the apathy and indifference which prevail among a large proportion of the inhabitants of this country on nil such extonml topics , and that many of those who feel most zealously and ardently on the subject , would
lie tho foremost to discourage our having recourse to a violent , phyHieal mode of interference . But Spain ought to ho told tlmt if she does not observe hor treaties , — i ( she , almost alone of all the nations of the earth , persists in this infernal trailie , she must , if her possession of Cuba , is ever endangered , be at least prepared to find this country neutral in tho conflict . " In what follows , Lord Carlisle shows that he
does not speak out of any favour to tho United States , for he launches forth , as if to test his " impartiality , " in an attack on the Fugitive Slave Law ; forgetting tho position of that law as a context with other proceedings in America on tho subject of slavery . His admissions , however , are ouiheiont to show that , in alliance with Spain rflthor than with America , we have givon up tho
substance for the shadow . To the United States , at all events , thus much must be conceded—that what they undertake they perform . The United States prohibit the slave trade 5 and they prevent it . The Government of Cuba undertakes to prohibit , and connives at it , lends its ports for it , and facilitates it . Yet because Spain has professed more than America , English statesmen like Lord Carlisle have hitherto thought they were serving tho Negro by siding with . " Spam rather
than America . . . We have too frequently explained why it is that we uphold the policy of leaving this question to the spontaneous set tlement of the Americans themselves . That they perfectly understand the evil we know ; that their best intellects only await the opportunity of removing it , we also know ; that they are of a race to be compelled nobody would believe ; that we , in this country , can understand their difficulties , so well as themselves—that we can teach them their own businessis a delusion to which we cannot lend the
, countenance of this journal . The address ( which we published by request in our last number ) from certain democrats of this country to the democrats in America , will convince our friends across the Atlantic , that sympathy with the Abolition movement is not confined to brawling dissenters , or to fine ladies , but that it extends to the flower of the working classes . It is shared , indeed , by others still more distinguished . The address to which we allude , although it did not bear the name of the author , in the
was from a pen so distinguished , very highest classes of literature , that it would demand respect wherever it went , and necessarily claimed admission to our columns . If the promoters of that address are mistaken , it is in confounding general abstract propositions respecting the merits of freedom for all men and all classes , which nobody would dispute , with the application of those principles to particular circumstances . Well as they are versed in European politics , competent as the promoters of the address are to discuss
the quasi-servitude of the working classes in this country , they are not , generally speaking , familiar with the practical working of slavery in America , and they reason , therefore , rather upon abstract than upon practical grounds . Their opinions merit their respect as the result of intellect and high feeling , and they will receive due credit in the United States , as showing that the principal sentiment is not one of levity or
bigotry alone in this country ; and their want of acquaintance with American institutions will , we are assured , bo viewed b y reflecting Americans with due allowance . Had all controversy been conducted in the conciliatory and reasonable language of the Address , we know that we should have had a much larger response of feeling from the United States , and a much more intelligible explanation of the reasons why the measure so much desired is deferred . For ourselves we are
content to leave the issue in tho hands of Time and of God ; quite certain that the spirit of Henry Clay is stronger in the United States than the bigots either of absolutism or of the opposito party . Lord Carlisle's admission , ought to be an evidence to tho friends of abolition that they are not always promoting their object when they are making the most violent efforts to do so .
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PROGRESS OP IRISH CONVERSION . LOYAL I 1 US 1 I CATIIOLICB MADE HOSTILE AMEttl-CAN JMIOTJSHTANT 8 . PEiniArs the clangors which threaten the empire from without are not near enough to have their full effect of wholosomoncRS , or elso Lord John 'Russell would have perceived the policy of placing Ireland on a footing of equality with English colonies . 11 is not many years sinco Sir Robert Peel claimed for those colonies the right to bo put upon a footing of equality with " English counties , " and since that day bo much progress has Wen made , that , in practice , English counties mijiht now invert the claim , and ask to be allowed the same degree of political enfranchisement , of local Hefi-governnient , or religious equality , thai , has been secured by tho colonists ol Canada , of Australin , and of tho Capo of Good Hope . Hut if English counties have a right to say that the colonies have outstripped them in conquering their privileges , Ireland ia still far behind whore the colonies stood when Sir Robert Peel became their champion . Wo have repeatodly pointed to what is a rcawou so obvious that
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540 THE LEADE R . [ Satcbpat ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 4, 1853, page 540, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1989/page/12/
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