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On one occasion when Mr . Disraeli asked for a weekly account of the Admiralty expenditure , the Board looked on that as an unwarrantable interference of the House of Commons with the Admiralty . This illustrates the difficulty of Mr . Stafford ' s position : Mr . Disraeli always advised him to conciliate as much as possible , and to explain privately to each member of the Hoard the nature of our Parliamentary Government . Mr . Stafford never consulted Mr . Disraeli with regard to such " small matters" as the patronage of the Admiralty .
" Ho would speak generally as to the extreme difficulties which he found in carrying on his office , and he would very naturally come to me for support and counsel , lhese conversations with Mr . Stafford took place in the House of Commons . I had a great deal to do then , and I had no formal interview with Mr . Stafford . After questions were answered , about half-past four o ' clock , behind the Speaker ' s chair , if he wished to consult me , he did consult me I never pressed Mr . Stafford or any member of the late Administration on the subject of his or their patronage , or with the view of influencing either him
or them in the exercise of that patronage for the purposes of elections or anything else . Such a subject never could occur to me , nor do I think that it could occur to any person in my position . It did not fall under my consideration in any way . These are subjects which devolved on other persons to consider . Mr . Stafford expressed and repre-Bented to me from the first the very great difficulties which he had to contend with , and from what I could see , this sort of spirit—the spirit of jealousy and suspicion that arose from the cause I have adverted to—appeared to me to wear off . "
Respecting Sir Baldwin Walker , Mr . Disraeli , speaking generally as regards all permanent civil servants , advised Mr . Stafford to treat them in a spirit of conciliation and confidence , as he himself had done at the Treasury , and with the result of being served with real , fidelity , and even devotion . His particular knowledge of Sir Baldwin Walker ' s letter of resignation arose as follows : — " Mr . Stafford consulted me in the House of Commons , behind the Speaker's chair , on the letter which Sir Baldwin "Walker wrote to the Duke of Northumberland . Mr .
Stafford showed it to me . I do not know whether ho showed me the original letter or a copy . I cannot charge my memory with that , but I know that the letter was put before me in a hurried way , as a proof that he had not succeeded in establishing that good understauding which I felt and told him was required , and which I recommended him he should endeavour to establish . When I read that letter I confess I was excessively annoyed , and I remember making this observation—for I was not then familiar either with the office or cho person of Sir Baldwin Walker—I said to Mr . Stafford , ' Well , really , if this is the
tone in which your overtures are accepted , I think he had better resign . ' Now , I distinctly recollect Mr . Stafford saying , ' Oh no , it ia quite out of the question ; the Duke of Northumberland has mado up his mind to consider this merely as a strictly confidential communication , and I suppose I must bear it , and do what I can to make things up . ' I said , ' If you make up your mind , if that is the case , and Sir Baldwin Walker does not resign , rely upon it you had bettor see him and have some private conversation with him , and make him undorstand that you wish to work cordially with him , and do not remain with any hostilo feelings on either side . ' "
All these misunderstandings Mr . Disraeli attributed to the want in the Admiralty of that connexion of the House of Commons which other branches of ndministration possessed . With the late Admiralty the House of Commons was at first " ignored , " and its authority and influence looked upon with jealousy . The board was composed of men of the highest professional reputation , but they were not sufficiently acquainted with the nature or practice of our Parliamentary Government . Regarding any " other cause of misunderstanding" Mr . Disraeli said : — " There would be no other cause of misunderstanding between the Jlousu of Commons and thts ' . Hoard of
Admiralty aH far as the ( joveriiment were concerned , but of courso I can euHily understand that among various members of Parliament supporting the Government , looking nt tlni fair disposition of patronage which was referred , to , and respecting which one of tho lion , members said Mr . Stafford stated in his evidence he was pressed , and I duro-Bay that they did press Mr . Stafford—if ho found that , ho was in a position in which he could not fairly satisfy their wishes , it might bo Ihe cause of similar misunderstundingH between him and individuals . There is no doubt ., us every momberof tho committee must know , that , the particular party that supports tho Government , whether m the Houfo
of Commons or out of the House of Cornwall !* , naturally looks to have , iih it is called , a fair distribution of patronage . I dure say ( . hut may have hid to misunderstanding , but I only wish it to be underHtood , ho far iih 1 um concerned , that these were questions that were never brought under my consideration m any wi » y . Therefore it is quite ini ]) oasible that 1 could have urged Mr . Stafford to any course of conduct , on the subject . J should have boon perfectly astonished if any member of the Administration hud expressed himself as Mr . Stafford ia alleged to liavo done . "
Ihe conclusive statement came thus : — Tho Chairman : And the committee understand that you had uovor by any means in any way boon brought , to consider the ( mostions of promotion cither in tho navy or in tho dockyunlit P Mr . Diuriwli ; JSot ux any way whatever .
Mr . Stafford has been re-examined two or three times , but he has not been able to state anything more damaging to his character than what has already appeared . Some confessions , however , serve "tothicken other proofs . " With regard to the charge Mr . Stafford made in the House against the Whigs , that when leaving office they made rules securing future appointments for their own partisans , he was obliged to admit , in answer to the keen queries of Lord Seymour , that he did not say this on " his own authority . " "A
letter in the Morning HeraU , " and statements by " members of the House / ' induced him to " suspect " that such was the case . He also got private letters on the subject , but he would not reveal the names of the writers ; he would not like to be the means of injuring any poor person . Mr . Bere , solicitor and agent for the Conservative party at Devonport , made a rather bold statement , " While the Whigs had power , no man in the dockyards was safe unless he became their devoted servant . "
Sir F . Baring ' s testimony does not much more than confirm what has been already evidenced by his letters , confidentially written , but now so honourably published . While First Lord he had made it a point to bind down the superintendents by a distinct pledge of honour not to interfere in politics . Respecting disfranchisement in the dockyards , he did not think that would cure the evil complained of . He believed it was practically impossible to prevent jobbing in the yards , unless those at head-quarters were in earnest . His conviction
was that after the arrangements of Lord Auckland they were improving . It took time to convince the dockyard people that the Admiralty was in earnestthey had been so often deceived ; but if they were once convinced that politics would not affect promotion , the desired object would be obtained much better than by depriving them of the franchise ; for , if it were the wish of the Admiralty to "job" in promotions for electioneering purposes , the disfranchisement of the dockyard men would be no bar .
When Lord John Russell was First Lord of the Treasury , he had allowed Sir Francis Baring full liberty to adopt his own course , which was , that all promotions should be made , with a sole reference to the public
. Lord Derby gave his testimony yesterday . He briefly re-echoed Mr . Disraeli ' s theory of the cause of the misunderstandings—the want of a close connexion between the Admiralty and the House of Commons . He stated that he had never directed nor sanctioned the transfer of civil patronage from the First Lord to "tha Secretary of the Admiralty ; he always held the Duke of Northumberland responsible for the
administration of the Admiralty . Respecting Mr . Stafford's statement that he was " pressed by Lord Derby and Mr . Disraeli , " Lord Derby said : — " I should be very much surprised to hear that Mr . Stafford had made such a statement , because I have a high opinion of Mr . Stafford ' s personal honour , and lie must have known that it was untrue , entirely inconsistent with the fact , and that there was not the slightest foundation for it . " ( Sensation . )
[ I he report of this answer in the Globe made Lord Derby say , " I had a high opinion of Mr . Stafford ' s personal honour . " Last evening Lord Derby complained of this , and . said : — " My answer was , that I should he very much surprised to hear Air . Stafford rrmko that statement . I had tho highest opinion of Mr . Stafford ' s honour and veracity , and I was quite convinced he could not have mado such a statement , ns ho must known it was wholly inconsistent with fact , and entirely without foundation . In making that statement I expressed what I felt , perfect confidence in Mr . Stafford's veracity , and that 1 should feel great surprise if he had made such a statement , and that I could not bring myself to believe such n statement . " ]
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LETTERS FROM PARIS . [ FltOM OUIt OWN ConitBHl'ONDENT . ] LKTl'JHt LXXII . Paris , Thursday , May 12 , 13 Sj . Tins week bus not been much innrked by political events . Almost the only point of interest it presents is the quasi-hostile attitude of tho Corps- Lt ' njislatif . The session , as at lirnt arranged , was to terminate on the Kith ; but , honourable members , seeing they had but five or six days left to pass tho Budget , began by
declaring that they would not do as they had < lono last year , when " they had been obliged to piiHH tho various bills at u band gallop for want , of time to examine them . " They alleged , too , that , " as tho stnmtus consult of tho 25 th December prohibited them from voting the Budget article by article , the least they could now do wan to examine it in detail , in order that they might be able to pass it in a lump . " So they flatly declined to M . Billimlt , their President , that the thw remaining days of tho session wero not enough , and that accordingly they would not paaa tho Budget at all . ¦ Al armed
afc this threat , M . Billault posted off to Bonaparte ; and next day he announced that "the Emperor had promised him to grant the Corps Legislatif all the time necessary for the examination of the several bills laid before it , and consequently the Chamber might reckon upon a prolongation of a fortnight . " A decree , published in the Moniteur , has in fact prolonged the session to the 28 th of May . The Jury Law has been passed against ; a minority
of fifteen , instead of being thrown , out , as everybody expected . The causes of this singular result were as follows : —The committee , all but three members , agreed to reject the bill , as conferring an absolute power on the Government . Unfortunately , however , the committee appointed M . Langlais , as a lawyer by profession , to draw up their report ; and this very M . Langlais was one of the minority of three who were in favour of the measure . He made the most curious
report that ever was known . In tho name of the committee he inveighed against the existing tendencies of the Government towards absolutism , and proved that all the provisions of the law were calculated to deprive the country of the few securities that still remained to it ; but instead of concluding , as he should naturally have done , with a recommendation that the bill should be thrown out , he terminated his report without recommending anything one way or the other . When this report without a tail was read , the deputies showed manifest tokens of their dissatisfaction ; but when the moment was come to vote , the dread of publicity
overcame them ( the votes are taken by name ) , and to avoid incurring the anger or the disfavour of their gracious Sovereign , the majority said Aye , and only fifteen had the pluck to say No . Among the latter were MM . Gouin , d'Andelarre , Legrand , Montalembert , and de Flavigny . The true cause of this cringing meekness is to be found in the corruption of these representatives of the principles of property . They were all of them to have an audience of the Emperor that same evening , and they had all to solicit from him the sanction or concession of some privilege , some money-making scheme or another . After
the reception Bonaparte exhibited to his private circle eighty applications for concessions of railways , laid before hi : n in an audience that had lasted three-quarters of an hour , being at the rate of two per minute . The deputies are now aware that Bonaparte has been making game of them and their expectations , and they are filled with rage and mortification , and regret that they had not the courage to go through with what they began . A considerable number of deputies did not vote at all , some being unwilling to oppose the Government , and others not liking to have their names appear in the always brief list of those who vote
against it . The discussion , however , presented a remarkable incident . The Government being far from confident as to the result , Bonaparte sent down M . Barochc , President of the Council of State , and M . Rouher , its Vice-president , to support tho Bill . It was M . Rouher who had to reply to M . Langlais , the reporter of tho committee , and he was so led away by his zeal as tp speak in favour of absolute power . He went so far as to say , that " he could not comprehend how any ono could tulk of the privileges of the country , when the
prerogatives of the Crown were in question , " a declarations which was met by murmurs from all parts of the Assembly , so loud and angry that M . Rouhcr was brought to a deiul stop . He stammered out some excuses , and then humbly asked permission to explain his meaning . Tho permission was granted ; but his explanation showed the same tendency to exalt the Government above the country , and wan received with no less strenuous murks of disapprobation , and he concluded his speech in utter discomfiture .
I he same sort of reception has just been given to a proposal for a grant of money , made under the influence of M . de Porsigny in favour of his mother-in-law , the widow of Marshal Ney . Certainly , if there is a glorious or a popular namo in France , it is that of Marshal Ney . And yet thv , Honapartists are come to the pass , that in a chamber nominated by them mid composed of their creatures , a proposal on the part of the Government for a national recompense to the Marshal ' s widow has provoked vehement signs of
repugnance , llnj secret of this is , that the family havo already obtained more than 10 millions in railway concessions , favours of various kinds , and presents of cash . The threw . sons of the Marshiil , and Persigny , their brother-in-law , have each realized a considerable ! fortune . All this is mutter of common notoriety ; so when it was wen that these ; people had the effrontery to ask for an additional sum of : i ( K ) , O ( K ) Cranes , tho whole Assembl y was unable to suppress a shout of indignation .
Tho Corps Ui / hlatif has ulso shown its teeth at tho last railway concession—that of Genuv / i and Lyons . You uro nwaro Quit this conceHBiou wuh grunted to tho
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462 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 14, 1853, page 462, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1986/page/6/
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