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    interests concerned in the reduction of taxation . The right hon . gentleman could not ask him for more ; if he stood where the Chancellor of the Exchequer was standing he was quite certain he would not give more—he would not consent to these affirmations . If Mr . Gibson were finance minister he would not consent to adopt a policy of promises instead of performances . He begged to move the " previous question . ' Mr . Bbight ably came jn to reinforce the position of Mr . Gibson ; and on the same side , one after anot her , rose Mr . Williams , Mr . Danby Seymoub , Mr . J . S . Phiilimoee , and Mr . J . L . Ricabdo ; who drew from the Attorney-General the following statement : —

    The publication against which Mr . Timm had proceeded —and which was issued in the district with which the lion , member who spoke last was connected—was as much a newspaper as the Times , Herald , or Chronicle , aud it was only fair that it should be subjected to the same stamp duty as was imposed upon those journals . The object ol the measure which the Government was about to introduce was to remedy certain defects in the stamp law , and to remove the doubt and uncertainty which had been caused by the decision of the Court of Exchequer in the case of a publication called the Narrative of Current Events . The bill would insure the payment of the stamp duty by all publications which were really newspapers , while it would exempt from it publications like the Nari'ative of Current Events , which were published at intervals exceeding twenty-six days .

    Lord John Russell made a curious speech , in support of Mr . Gladstone ' s view . Furthermore , he denied that all these taxes could be called taxes on knowledge . He made this declaration of policy : — It was said that the tax on newspapers was intended as a restraint on the diffusion of useful information . If that were really the object of the tax , it would be inconsistent with the policy of the country . Let information be diffused as widely as possible , and let people form their opinion according to all the lights they could obtain . For his part , he looked upon the stamp duty as a tax imposed for restraintThe

    the purpose of revenue , rather than of . argument on the other side was ^ pusbed too far , and the benefit which might be expected from the repeal of the duty was exceedingly exaggerated . Could it be seriously maintained that the removal of the duty would encourage moral and religious publications , and yet afford no advantage and facility to persons who wished to issue publications of anfopposite character ? It , unfortunately , could not be denied that there was a portion of the community to whom publications intended to appeal to the imagination and excite the passions were more attractive than publications of a moral and religious nature .

    Mr . Disraeli made a diversion against Ministers . He reminded the H ouse of the course he had last year pursued with respect to these taxes , when he drew a distinction between the duties on paper and the two other propositions for abolishing the advertisement duty and the penny stump ; and he also drew a distinction between the advertisement duty and the penny stamp . From what had been then said by Lord Derby it was clear that his Government thought the earliest opportunity should be taken to reduce the duty on advertisements , and he had , therefore , only to consider now how far the revenue was able to bear the reduction .

    They had now a larger surplus than formerly , and the amount of the advertisement duty was so inconsiderable , that although he could not at present recommend the abolition of all theso duties , yefc he thought they might repeal the duty on advertisements . He strongly deprecated nn idea that was sought to be impressed upon the House , to the eil'ect that no one should propose any reduction of taxation except a Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and it would bo therefore extremely dangerous to follow the advice of Lord John Russell , for after the budget they would have no chance whatever of canying such a motion .

    Ho was not of the opinion that the press of thin country could be too free . ( Cheers . ) He know that , oh the press whs now constituted , it wus considered that its agency and it 3 eiforts were not favourable to tho opinions ho and his 1 ' riundH held , or the views they advocated . It wan more probable that a predominantly utilitarian , and which appealed only to reason , would exoroi . se it h inlluenoo against them , but a Conservative press wan not only a press that appealed to reason , or ought to do ho , but , was ono Unit appealed to tho feelings ; therefore , it" its power were greater ,

    its inlluonco more extensive , and its agency more diffused , it would bo , in proportion , more valuable and more influential . He would have the House to approach this subject in u spirit of caution , and ho therefore recommended the House to agree to the first resolution of the right honoumblo gentleman , but not to agree to tho two others . Mr . S . IlKKHKitTKiimrtly replied tlint , nol , wif , hsf , ! mding li ' w abstract opinions in favour of repealing those taxes , Mr . Disraeli nevertheless hud himself , when Chancellor of the Exchequer , voted against their

    repeal . Mr . Common horo struck in with effect . Ho jiccepted the UHHtMtuncu of tho Opposition with all his liuurt . ( Cheers . ) Ho mlded somo cogent urgunients on tho general question , und concluded with thin striking declaration : After paying groat attention to tho quotation of national otlue . ition , ho hud arrived ut tho deliberate conviction Mint , in Uu » intureut of tho groat muau of tho pooplo , if ho could

    see the taxes upon knowledge removed , he would agree to abolish every grant for education given by that House-He despaired , at present , of seeing an efficient system ot national education carried ; and , give him the removal ot these impediments to knowledge , and he would willingly give up all the sums now voted for education . ( Cheers . ) Lord R . Grosvenor regretted the speech of Mr . Disraeli , as being calculated to lower the character of

    public men in this cqjjitry , by imitating the arguments of his opponents . tie had . on the former occasion voted for the motion of the right' hon . gentleman , for it was then met with a direct negative by Mr . Disraeli , whereas now the Chancellor of the Exchequer , though unfairly treated by having such a motion pressed so shortly before the budget was to be produced , only met it with the previous question , the meaning of which was , that at the earliest possible period he would repeal

    the tax . Sir J . P-AKINGTON commented on the inconsistency of the noble lord , who had shown no consideration for the Chancellor of the Exchequer , when he carried against him his motion for the repe al of attorneys' certificates . He should certainly vote for the motion of the member for Manchester . Mr . Magcire , without caring who proposed or who supported a motion , would vote according to his own conviction of the merits of the question , and he would therefore support the motion of Mr . M . Gibson . The House then divided on . the previous question" That the question be now put" on each proposition . Tbp . affirmation of this was accepted as carrying the

    resolution . The numbers were—For the first resolution . . . 200 Against it 169 Majority against Ministers 31 The House then divided on the second resolution , and the numbers were—For it 98 Against 280 Majority 182 The House again divided on the third resolution , and the numbers were—For it 80 Against it 275 Majority 19 <> THE JEW BILL Was read a third time , and passed , last night , by a majority of 288 to 230 . The speeches for and against were characterized by a more than usual quantity of ecclesiastical argument . The principal speakers were , against the bill , Mr . Whiteside , Mr . Walpole , and Sir Robert Peel ; while for it were , Mr . Bethell , Mr . Bright—whose speech was rather novel , aud very telling—and Lord Joim Russell . ALLEGED SEIZURE OF WARLIKE STORES AT THE house of ar . kossuth . Sir J . Wai , msley wished to put a question , having reference to an illustrious exile in this country , whom he was sure it would bo the wish of the IIouso and of the country to protect so long as he conducted himself according to the laws and regulations of tho country . Ho had been induced to put the question in consequence of a statement which lie found in ono of the leading journals ot this morning to the following effect : — " We believe that wo are correctly informed when we state that , upon intelligence received by the . Secretary oi' State for tho Homo Department and the Commissioners of Police , active

    measures have boon taken to substantiate the charges which have been vaguely preferred against M . Kossuth and his adherents . Upon this legal authority a house-, in tho occupation of M . Kossuth , was searched yesterday morning at an early hour by the competent authorities , acting , wo presume , under the Secretary of State ' s warrant , and tho result of the investigation was , tho discovery of a large store of arinH , ammunition , ami materials of war , which may be the Hloek in trade of a political incendiary , but certainly for in no part of the household goods of a private

    gentleman living in pacific retirement . J ho question which he winhed to ask wiin . whether there was any and what foundation for this statement as respected Louis KoMHuth : also whether h < M- Majesty ' s Government had given any assurance- to tho Government of Austria or any other foreign power respecting the surveillance ot political refugees P ( Hear , hear . ) It might bo convenient , if the honourable member tho Secretary to the Troumiry would permit him , before Kitting down , to move that the House at its rising do adjourn till Monday . ( A laugh . )

    Lord I ' aI'MKkkton : I am not going to second tho motion just made ( a laugh ) , as it is ohvious for what vonson it has been moved , but . shall confine myself to answering tho ([ ucstion put to iiu ) us if no motion of tho Hort , was before tho 1 ' oiuie . The facts of tho rase referred to by the honourable 'baronet are , that information having been received that thoro were in ii house Houiewhe . ro near Kolherhitho not in a house occupied b y M . KoHsuth a quantity of military ntoren , and especially a larger quantity of gunpowder than wan porinil . tod by law to bo hold even by dealers , a search-warrant was issued in tho ordinary course ! by tho magistrate to tho police , tho Iiouho in question was entered yesterday , aud in it

    were found upwards of seventy cases , closely packed , containing , apparently for transmission to some distance , several thousand rockets , not such as are used at Vauxhall ( a laugh)—but for the purpose of war . There was also found a considerable number of rockets in various stages of preparation , and iron cases which usually contained the combustible matter . There were found 2000 shells jootLAS . yet loaded , a considerable quantity of that composition with which rockets are filled , and 600 lbs . of gunpowder . These things were seizfed by the police . Who they belonged to , or who were the persons employed in making them , the House will not , perhaps , expect me , in the present stage of the matter , to enter into . These will be questions for future consideration . But I think the House will agree with me that the Secretary of State for the Home Department , having been informed that there was reason of warlike stores

    to think that such an immense quantity were to be found in a private dwelling , was justified in taking those steps for the purpose of taking possession of these arms , and foundine thereupon any such proceeding which the law advisers whom we may have to consult maythink there is ground for taking . ( Hear , hear . ) I can assure my honourable friend that he is mistaken in supposing that the Government are acting in this matter upon any pledge , promise , or engagement given to any foreign Government , except that given in the face of Parliamentviz ., that we should use our utmost exertions to enforce the law in this country , for the purpose of preventing that shelter , which I trust will always be given to foreign exiles who may come here , from any political cause what * ever , being abused for the purpose of organizing or carrying on hostile proceedings against other countries . ( Hear . )

    Mr . T . Duscombe thought that this alarming statement of the noble lord with respect to the seizure of this vast quantity of warlike stores was calculated to excite feelings of alarm in the country . He would therefore ask the noble lord whether he was not fully aware that the house where these stores were found had been used for the manufacture of rockets for the last six years ; and that , after all , it was really no house at all where these rockets were found ? That , however , was the real state of the case . With respect to Kossuth , the whole statement in the Time $ appeared to have been a perfect fabrication . ( Hear , hear . ) At Rotherhithe , he believed , some most illegal proceedings had taken place , which would not only require explanation here , but which would also require the explanation of the Government in a court of law .

    ( Hear , hear . ) Now , it so happened that a Mr . Hale and Captain Warner , of whom the House had heard something in connexion with the long range—( a laugh)—were rivals , and Mr . Hale was the more successful of the two . X ) id not the noble lord know that Mr . Hale had taken out a patent for the manufacture of this kind of war rocket , and that he had offered it over and over again for sale to the Government , and that the sale of these rockets had been going on for the last six years to foreign governments ? Did not the noble lord know that Prussia , Denmark , and other European powers had purchased rockets from Mr . Hale under his patent , and latterly a large quantity had been manufactured for Cuba [ a laugh ] ? Did not the noble lord also know that within the last few months Mr . Hale had offered to the Government the whole of the stock which lie

    possessed , and that the Government would have no more to do with it than they would with Captain Warner ' s long range . Ho ( Mr . Duncombe ) remembered well going with Lord Ingestre , who took a great interest in Captain Warner ' s invention , to see a vast quantity of instruments and implements of war at the houso of Lord Salisbury , in Arlington-street . The Government of that day , equally as well as in the present case , ought to have issued a searchwarrant , and taken those stores [ hear ] . Ho was informed by a relativo of Mr . Halo that there was not one ounce of gunpowder on tho premises—nothing , in fact , but these rockets , which had been ollereciover and over again to the Government , and which were notoriously sold at

    Rothorhithe , and which were originally made close to the arsenal at Woolwich . Uut it appeared also that , after having entered these premises , they were no private houso at all . Mr . Hule lived at Chelsea , and was sent for tho moment tho police arrived there . The promises entered were occup ied lor a particular purpose , andjie behoved that a very illegal act had been committed by tho police in entering upon tho premises . Ho believed that the police were now trying to ride o ( f on the plea that a warrant was issued under the authority of tho Custom-house for searching for gunpowder , whereas tho rocket composition was not gunpowder , and the Custom-houHe , therefore , had nothing to do with it . Tho statements which ho had mudo wero

    furnished to him by tho son of Mr . Hale , and he believed them to bo substantially correct [ hear , hear ) . Mr . JJkioiit said it had boon admitted by every person , whatever opinion they might have of M . Koflsuth ' s conduct in Hungary , in this country , or in America , that the diameter of such a man muni , bo very dear to him , and that , the press of thin country ought not to bo allowed without , occasion to defame such a man [ hear , hear ] . Ho \ vinhed , therefore , to know whether at present , by any evidence before the nolilo lord , then * was any more reason to believe that M . Kosnuth was in nny degree compromised in this matter—whether the facts of the ease wore as tho noblo lord had described , or as tho honourable member for

    Kinsbury had detailed them—morn than any member of tho Orleans party now in this country ( hear , hour ] P Ho had n right , to ask that question , because ho had boon oil tho platform with that distinguished individual [ ironical ( thcers |; and although nothing could induco him ( Mr . . Urighl . ) to say that liberty was more likely to ha promoted by recourse to armn than by any other course- of proceeding which recommend * d itself much more to his judgment and principles , y ()| , he should bo extremely sorry either hero or elsowhero , without Huflioiont proof , to disavow his connexion with , or admiration of , M . Kossuth [ hoar , lieitr ] . Ho J ' olt , n » many others must feel , that he had Home interest in knowing whether this statement which appeared in that powerful organ of the preen—supposed

    Untitled Article

    364 THE LEADER . [ Satpbday ^

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), April 16, 1853, page 364, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1982/page/4/