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Leader (1850-1860), 9th April 1853, Edition 1 of 1, Page 338, Untitled Article

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      way Company , to which the Emperor has just granted a concession . The semi-official Pays relates , that the deputation tlifink ^ f nJS Majesty £ gr his great services in the causte for bWller ; so tbifcl-, in the eyes of certain self-elected IHejSresentatives of the City of London , and of the f * &iple of England , the sacred name of Peace meauS Cosmopolitan jobbing , and Order—tbJe benefice ^ raw that rule *

      the Universe—means decimation by the gibbet and the musket , silence , proscription , military terrorism : the " order , " in a word , of spies and bayonets . But this knot of schemers , let us cheerfully record , is indignantly repudiated , on all hands , at home , as it is , we know , contemned abroad , eveti where the liberty of France , and the dignity of England , are least in honour . Its true character is well understood in England .

      It would be well if all public subjects were jas well understood ; but , in this respect , the meeting jit Newcastle-upon-Tyne , to consider the actual position of Turkey , is an example too little paralleled . The vigorous and influential expression of opinion by Mr . George Crawshay , the telling assuran . ces of Mr . Blackett , the whole conduct of the meeting , showed , that when the public is fairl y appealed to , it is able to understand even the most complex questions of international relations ; hut the public is not appealed to , and it will not move until it be invited .

      Englishmen seem to be losing one of their best characteristics—a foreseeing preparedness . It seems a settled thing that in all matters connected with shipwrecks nothing should be ready ; that at sea boats should be lumbered up , perfectly in order as boats hung up to complete a ship s fittings , but when wanted utterly useless , without capabilities for lowering , or floating when lowered , or beino- rowed when floated . On shore the most

      approved apparatus for saving life from shorewrecks is obtained and locked up carefully ; but at this stage somebody walks off with the key , and is not to be found in time of danger . "When the door is broken down and the apparatus produced , it is found that the rockets for sending lines over the sea are without powder ; when powder is obtained nobody knows how to fire it .

      Such things occurred lately in the cases of the Duke of Sutherland and the Minerva . Apply the moral . If we are without preparation for disasters which must sometimes be expected , how , in greater matters , national defence for example , shall we know that we are thoroughly prepared ? Undoubtedly every new addition to the Royal Family now in Buckingham Palace , adds a new defence to the succession and the throne .

      Nevertheless , the royal infant who has just taken his place in the nursery , but has not yet been provided with a name , would contribute very little to the national forces in the case of a present invasion . On the contrary , lie is a new pledge , as they say , which all loyal subjects are bound to guard—a hostage to fortune , but never , we hope , to the invader .

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      THE WEEK IN PARLIAMENT . Monday brought with it tho resumption of Parliamentary duties ; and tho first night of the rjonew-ed sittings of t | ie House of Commons was marked by the Htuteiaent of the ( Jovennnont views oil NATIONAL EDUCATION . Lord John HuHtwoLTj , although lioldjng no office , <> xeept that of Louder of the House of Commons , Was the spokesman . Tracing the history of the question from the time of . Bell and Lancaster , ho adverted to the difference between , aud to the defects of > their HyHtcmt ! , and to the objections raised b y the Church , which resulted in tho foundation of th « $ »} atjunal Society , hi 3 811 . He also referred £ 0 the oiflbrts of tho

      Dissenters , and to their school society , and io jtho proposal made in 1831 by Lord Grey ' s Govermriont for public grants to tho two societies in proportion to thoir activity . This plan was adopted till 1889 , when Lord Melbourne's Government thought that a moro dincrilninuLing plan ought to bo pursued , fi | id a norep . vtr majority sanctioned the appointment of tup Commute of Council —further modifications iMivjuMf Iwjoh WUidp in 1846 . Ho oljHorvcd that , though much aUejitton had linen given to tho quantity irnVl quant ? of tho

      education of the poorej wasses , the State had not materially interfered as tp $ j& character and nature . After adducing a ffr ^ t Wivjber of educational statistics to sJtcwjr { lie preset Icondilwji of tiring ^ And staging $ bal alt $ tesent tfteije wet * 2 , 108 , 47 ? Bch p Jars receivW ^ m-Sfttiction , jkfyd that mlf a milli < & jsJ ^ rTkag had been paid m the InJMkpler climes in " fjfcS&ool pefifce , " he argued Hfot the ifeselt pi H ^ e efforts ttiit hajl teen made h « jfl been strikififar $ ba satisfacttfirfr . " U was consi ^ te ^

      therefore , that \ t should be bought \ o strengthen and improve a system which had originated in voluntary effort , rather than to attempt to set up a plan which might disturb the existing system without providing an equivalent . But he thought that the present system was . capable of much improvement . He $ hen . explained the nature of the training schools , to which , he gave much approbation . His lordship next proceeded to say 3 that he could never subscribe to the doctrine that the

      State ' s duty was non-interference as regarded the religious and moral training of the people . Nor did it appear to him that the country coincided in the views of those who maintained the voluntary system . Having disposed of voluntaryism , let us see how he set aside the claims of the advocates of secular schools : " What I understand to be said is this : —the country is divided into various religious communions , differing greatly from one another ; it is impossible by any scheme that has been hitherto s uggested to bring the children of persons of those different denominations into one school , and to ac cept of religious instruction ; but it is very possible to give them secular instruction—to give them instruction in reading , writing , geography , and arithmetic , and in science and

      art—and to leave their religious instruction to the ministers and pastors of their different communions j thereby avoiding the discord , difficulty , and expense which , are created by having so many different schools , and by not treating religion as a thing apart from the schools . " , if that were the proposal , there seem to be difficulties in themselves sufficient to prevent the adoption of such a system . We must consider , surely , when we are assisting in the education of the people , and especially in the education of the children of the poor in this country , that the school is the place where they are to learn the rules for their conduct in life—those rules of religion and morality by which in future they are to be guided . It is obvious , if fchis

      were the case , that a very incomplete religious instruction would be given , if you said that on but two afternoons in the week the children should go to schools conducted by ministers of religion , and that they should attend their own places of worship on Sundays . In the first place , it is obvious that it would be difficult for clergymen of the Established Church , and the ministers of any other communion , to give time and labour sufficient to instruct the children in religion . In the next place , supposing they did so , a great and important end of education would not be attained , because on the most important subject , I should pay of all , they would not receive sufficient instruction . Well , then , those who are the advocates of the secular

      system of instruction are liable to that difficulty ; and it appears to me , while no doubt many of them differ among themselves , that the most able among them take a mode of obviating that difficulty which deserves the serious consideration of this House before asking if anything of the kind can be adopted . This scheme is developed by many writers on the subject , and among others by Mr . Combe , a gontJeman no doubt whoso opinions are of considerable weight , who have held that very imperfect views are taken with regard to religious subjects , and that very often thos , e rules which the Almighty has laid down for our conduct in this life , so far from being- followed , are wilfully violated and set at nought , and that it is the business of the schoolmaster to teach those laws of social economy and those laws of

      physiology by which the youth of this kingdom rriay bo Cotter instructed , and may so conduct themselves as to avoid that course of vice and misery into which too many of thorn fall . But 1 think it will be obvious to the House that this is a proposal differing from tho plan apparently proposed by the advocates of tho secular system . Tho proposition ae it stood nakedly , on its lirat appearance , was this : Give secular instruction to tho school , confine yourselves to that instruction , and leave religion to bo tau g ht by tho ministers of the different religious denominations . But on tliis spcond view of the subject , it is said there is a

      natural theology which should bo taught in tho schools , but that r ! hristianity should not i > o taught . Now , that appears to bo a view not only iworo extensive , but rather more dangerous than that , which was iirwt suggested . My belief is , that tho people of this country have fccicd with a right instinct when they have , by their exertions , by their aHHoeiatioiiH , aud by the dovation of their money aud tho time of thejr children , declared opouly that { hero n ) ioul < l bo a system of religious training in tho schoolh , and that that religious trauimg should comprise nil tiio groat doctrines of Christianity . " ( Cheers . )

      After adverting to tho dittiodtjt ' H in tho way of qstublisbiag a general scheme , ho in ti runted that ho thought thcyo IP'g h . t ho one t » ort of community in ' towns with a corporate organization , whore rates might bo do voted , under votes of two-thirds of the towneonneil , in aid of tho voluntary exertions of individuals , and of the ponce paid by parents , under stringent conditions , and this was one part of the plan . It was also proposed by tho Committee of Council , by loiuute . s , tJUo form of which wan not ; yet inatured , to allot a certaiu sum per l ) pad for ejich flchpjar , when tho schoolmaster linid obtained his certificate ; lihd it Was also thought that addStionnl grants might fro mndo to very poor places . He next cirmte to the question of

      chnriregairded the judicial power , wftere an income was under 3 <> Z . the question would go to the County Court , and where it exceeded that sum , to the Master of the Rolls , or a Vice-Chancellor . After explaining that the sum to be asked for the purposes of education would appear in the votes , and so be submitted for discussion , Jhe next adverted to the recommendation in the Speech from the Throne for the promotion of science and art ; and , explaining that it was intended to consolidate a department of art for the establishment of museums , he said , in reference to the question before the House , that drawings and models were to be furnished by Such museums to public schools in the country . He next treated the question of tfniyersity Beform —the most important portion of his speech—and we

      table be ^ lifB ^ , ato 4 io the labours of Lord Brougham , and of the 1 coto&sSioji on the subject . These bequests , it traa thougM , ' afe ) uli tae subjected to distinct superintendence , jfrmljl itlie i ^ dicial power should be in other hands than tbdSfc winch , should regulate the administration . « Tie "fetter should be entrusted to a Committee of Prjty Coimcili ? vjth jhe L . ord President at its head , which , ' slaoqlid isavte a general power to propose schemes to vht ^ fcrusts— -such schemes , where accepted by the trustees , to take effect at once , and where not , a bill to carry them out should , be introduced into that House . There were cases , as where loaves and other articles were bequeathed for distribution , in which positive evil was done to localities , and it would be far better to apply such funds to the improvement of education .. As

      give it entire . " I said that I would state upon this occasion what were the general views of her Majesty ' s Government with respect to the reports of the commissions which were appointed bv the Crown on the subject of the two Universities ? The * House is well aware that these commissions have presented reports of a most valuable kind , setting forth in treat detail the history of those Universities , giving a great eal of evidence of a most instructive and valuable nature , and themselves suggesting various reforms in the Universities . I will not state any particular scheme which it is the intention of the Government to adopt . On the contrary , her Maiesty ' s Government ore of opinion that they would

      not fulfil their duty in the best manner it they proposed any particular scheme for the adoption of the House until the matter had been much more maturely considered , and until the Universities had had tho opportunity of grymg their suggestions and . their observations , and adopting such measures as they may think it desirable to adopt on the subject of the changes suggested . Speaking , however , of the University of Oxford , there are in the first place some points upon which the commissioners have touched , with respect to which I think it is but fair that I should state what are the views of her Majesty ' s Government . Tho firBt subject with reference to Oxford , and which is of the highest importance , is the constitution of the

      government of the University itself . ( Hear , hear . ) _ We are of opinion that very considerable change is required in the constitution of that University . We think it desirable that thero should exist a greater power of introducing into the governing body of the University persons who , in the station of professors , are engaged in teaching in tho University , and into the several colleges those who are engaged in teaching in those colleges . What should be the particular form of that governing body is a matter upon which , as I have intimated , wo are not yet prepared to decide . What we say is , that it is a subject to which wo shall look , to which our attention will bo directed , and upon which wo shall be ready to receive any suggestion these

      which may come from tho University itself . But if . suggestions either do not come , or if they should fail to meet what we think tho circumstances of the case require , it will then bo necessary to come to Parliament and submit to it proposals of our own on tho subject . There is ano ^ ier matter upon which our opinion is no less decided with respect to the principle , and that is , a moro full and free admission to tho teaching of tho University . My belief ia that these Uuivorsitiqs were intended , and ought to bo treated , as institutions for tho benefit of ' the country , and that thoir objects ought to bo fulfilled moro completely than they have been of late years . Fear thiB purpose I behove it will be necessary that thero should boa Power of admission , ahd of attending tho teaching of tho University , and of acquiring those privileges by means other tban those of belonging to , or romding i * i , colleges , " ^ hether tho recommendations of tho commission on tho University

      of Oxford , or the different recommendations of the commission on tho University of Cambridge , should ho taken on tho subject , 1 will not now protend to decide . Any change which shall elToct tho object , and effect it Without endnngwing the discipline of tho University—because that point must bo kept carefully in nrind—will bo fay , ov » rafbly considered by us , and will *> ° onp which wo s ^ mll bo jeady to adopt . Another subject in connexion with tho present Mate of t / ho University of Oxford is tho amount of restriction which is placed upon the attainment of £ eljow-« hips and pmo . kunonlH in the University . Many of thoso restrictuiiiH , it is truo , claim for their origin tho statutes of tho University , or tho wills of the founders , but we bavo to consider that if t'hcBO statutes and those wUb ) tycr . 0 to bo h ' torully obeyed , wo Hhould havo , not tho present stjato of tub T / niversitioH , but a etato very much different , « tnd 0110 whidh it would bo impossible to maintain . I will not , upon ibis point express any opinion » s to Jtho rccoinnicnclalionH of thn eoiniruHfiioncrs—wnoth ' or ( ill

      restrictions ns to placo of birth , ov the country to which tho pnrsonA belong , should ho ftbolinhod , Or whether { tcu ^ ona belonging to Unit locality , coaferit > pflrtbuv , phQida havo tho advantage—all I say is that niont , Industry , , Btndyi j » nd ability , ought to havo thoir duo reward . 1 mo * say , iur *

      Untitled Article

      338 THB ^| 5 ApER . [ Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), April 9, 1853, page 338, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1981/page/2/