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Leader (1850-1860), 5th March 1853, Edition 1 of 1, Page 224, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      and without that the writing of the proclamation would have no sense . They thought the moment had come ; they believed in success , and they availed' themselves of it . ' " About the attempt itself , I do not feel myself at liberty , for a-short ' while , to speak . Gentlemen whose only soft occupation is to write criticism on things they know the least of—whose only doctrine is the vce viciis—and who devise quietly from a free . land , from the safe blessed family iireskle , on the wrongs , plans ,

      and remedies of a nation given up by Europe to any foreign invader who will choose to imprison , to cane , to plunder , to hang them , may prove very severe to us . Kossuth , who fully knows how a single rash or betraying act of a single man can sometimes defeat the best scheme , and compel a whole party to adjourn the fulfilment of their most sacred hopes , ought to be the last to throw the stone , before due time for information has olapsed , at well-meaning and determined , though momentarily conquered friends .

      " I am , Sir , respectfully yours , Joseph Mazzini . " Having had , his attention called to the above letter , M . Kossuth has furnished a voluminous explanation , in a letter to Captain Mayne Reid . Kossuth lays down three positions : —First , that the proclamation was written by him , but long ago , and for very different circumstances ; that when he wrote it he was a prisoner at Kutahia , and not free to judge , and it was natural he should intrust the document to persons who were ; secondly , that the proclamation has been greatly altered to adapt a proclamation of that day to this ; that instead of only tioo paragraphs being omitted , and those indicating the remute time at which it was written , there have been seven omitted , and these essential to the document . As an illustration of this , he Bets

      forth an abstract of the proclamation : — " In the original proclama- " In the copy circulated at tion of 1851 . Milan in 1853 . 1 . I know that every Hun- _ 1 . The same correctly , garian is ready for the war of liberty . 2 . But that is not enough 2 . Omitted entirely . for me , the general enthusiasm does not suffice , I must know numerically what force-I may dispose at any point . 3 . Therefore , every force 3 . Omitted entirely , ready to fight for God and ' the father - land must be numbered and organiaed .

      4 , 5 , 0 , 7 . And that or gam- 4 , 6 , 6 , 7 . Omitted enzation must bo such , &c . &c . tirely . ( hero follow some particulars . ) 8 . Organizo yoursolves . 8 . Omitted entirely . Be silent , prepare , and wait for further orders . 9 . The moment of tho in- 9 . Tho moment of the insurrection draws nigh . eurrection is at hand . 10 . Hungary is tho right 10 . Hungary is tho right wing , and Italy tho left wing , and Italy the left wing , of the army which I whig , of tho army I lead , organize . 11 . Dated in the year 1851 . 11 . Dated February , 1853 .

      " That will suffice . My friend Muxziiii will seo by fhia how wo liavii both boon abused by Homebody . I Low in a preparatory appeal of mine , whero I advertised those who did not yet know it , that ftaly and Hungary aro allied , and that whenever we ( tho allied friends ) raise tho banner of liberty , tho Kalian soldier will have to unite with the Hungarian nation , and ( ho Hungarian soldier in Ifi'ly unito with the Italian nation , 1 advised them to organizes and to prepare , but also took enro to warn them that they have to await further orders . Such a proclamation was changed without my knowledge , and without Mazzini being nwuro at" it , into a proclamation Haying , ' tho moment in at hand ; rise , and fight . ' " The third position \ m lays down is , that this seeming difference between the two chiefs of Italy and Hungary will not Never them : —¦

      " Mazzini and J , Ital y and Hungary , aro and will bo united for ever . That \» not only a necessit y of tho community of our interests , hut also tho free choice of our mutual affection , which wo both nincoroly entertain , and will , I hope , continue to entertain throughout our Uvoh . " The letter in written in an admirable spirit throughout .

      Untitled Article

      T 11 K UK V U < 5 K K Q 1 / K S T I () N . ( From tho " Times" of Monday . ) It in said—with what amount of foiindiition we aro at present unable to state—that tho Austrian Government lnis resolved 1 <> dennin < Hhe extradition , or , Jit least , the expulsion of Kossuth , Maz / ini , find the other refugees now fomenting revolution abroad under the shelter of British hospitality ; and that , on the anticipated failure of this demand , the Governments of Prussia and of France aro prepared to address u joint , note to the Hiiino onoet . In Uiu event of a continued refusal on our part , wo are threatened , so it , is . said , with n withdrawal of the Ministers representing those three Power * ut , this Court , mid with mich further inconvenience »;) inuy

      arise from the destitute condition in which England , it is supposed , will thereupon be left . That the Austrian Government , with revolt in Lombardy , with assassina-. ion at home , and sanguinary manifestoes fulminated from this metropolis , should just now be in a state of considerable excitement , that Prussia should have caught the infection , and that the Emperor of the French should be glad to express an unaffected sympathy for his brother of Austria , are circumstances natural enough , and , if anything could induce us to discredit the rumour we have mentioned , it is its plausibility . But it is difficult to conceive how such a demand should be contemplated without a full sight of the consequences . Every civilized people on the face of the earth must be fully aware that this country is the asylum of nations , and that it will defend the asylum to the last ounce of its treasure , and the last drop of its blood . There is no point whatever on which we are prouder and more resolute . We remember with satisfaction that this is the only spot in Europe where the unfortunate politician has leisure to re-consider his opinions , and grace to repent of his errors ; where the exiled Absolutist is safe from the fury of the people , and where the Republican may defy the indignation and the terror of Kings . We neither know nor care who are hidden in this metropolis ; we only know that they are safe , and that the whole power and honour of this empire are pledged for their protection ; if , indeed , the free and open nature of our domestic institutions left it an easy matter to detect and lay our hands on the foreign incendiary .

      But , even were it not so absolutely certain as it is that we shall listen to no such demands , and that the statesman who lent an ear to them would henceforth be doomed to political disgrace , there are other considerations that might have some weight with our frightened and too sensitive neighbours . Where would they be at this moment but for the great British asylum ? They have all profited by it in their time . It was here that Louis Napoleon prepared not only his landing at Boulogne , but his more successful canvass for that Presidency under which he invaded the liberties of France . Tt was here that the great support of absolutism was

      glad to find a harbour when " the deluge had covered Europe sooner than he expected . The Prince of Prussia came here when Berlin was no longer safe ; and a Prussian Minister followed in his steps . Surely some gratitude is due from these men and their friends for sheltar so comfortable at the time , so useful in ita results . But we may appeal to another sentiment not less powerful with statesmen . It has been said that in politics gratitude is only for favours to be received . Is it altogether impossible that tho present Governments of France , Austria , and Prussia may once more be glad of a neutral ground ; that the Emperor Napoleon may

      return to his house in King-street , Metternich resume his quarters in Belgravia and at Brighton , and the King of Prussia visit his new house in Carl ton-terrace , with , perhaps , some additions to the circle of princely and royal refugees ? There have been such returns . Charles X . returned to Holyrood , and Louis Philippe to the banks of the Thames . Indeed , the very anxiety expressed by the three remonstrant Courts betrays a misgiving as to the stability of their power . Why aro they afraid of such frothy declamations as Kossuth's , and such visionary schemes as Ma / zini ' s , were it not for the unsoundness and unpopularity of their own position

      at home ? But wherever revolution shall happen to light , most assuredly this country will be once more the refuge of its victims . Providence , in surrounding this empire with the ocean , and in contributing to one people many races and many institutions , lias formed us f , > r an asylum , which none but barbarians will attempt to break , and which they will break to their own ruin . We are ii nation of refugees . French , Flemings , and Germans huvo fled hither from the religious persecutions of their own countries . They who inherit such blood , : ind such a cause , will rather part with their lives than betmy the sanctuary to which they owe their very existence .

      Hut what in to be done ? Tho ease of refugees doing nil that lies within the power of ready tongues to work on the elements of disaffection in their own country calls for some remark , and requires some consideration . If ICngland is forced to make any comment on the fact , that comment in supplied from her own example . In the first place , her political institutions are such that she can hardly bo said to have any fugitives abroad

      plotting her mischief . Ihit , were there hundreds ot fugitives from British jjistiru now abroad , such us those from the Irish rebellion of ' 1 ) 8 , we should regard them with indifference , and pursue our own course ; of political conciliation and social improvement . We are not at the mercy of uny traitor or visionary . If Austria , Prussia , and France , wish to disarm the refugee , let them restore confidence at home . It . must , be a very explosive state of tilings which can be kindled by so

      mere a spark as a letter from some unfortunate gentleman in his lodgings at Camden-town , or at a restaurant in the small streets about Leicester-square . Proclamations without men , without money , without arms , and without even any evidence that they have been written , or have not been written , by the persons whose names are subscribed , are only waste paper , and need excite no concern , unless , by the fault of the Governments against which they are aimed , they should tell some bitter truths . A really good government can afford not to mind them . Such is the advice we tender to those who would demand from us an act contrary to our history and our very natures . We shall allow men to say and do what they please , so long as they commit

      no open violation of our laws , and so long as they do not propose actual invasion . We cannot permit this country to bo made the starting point of expeditions for revolution or for conquest . Prove the enrolment of men , the purchase of arms , or the equipment of vessels for such a service , and the law will interfere . But there we stop ; nor does the liberty of the subject , which is as much part of our constitution as the Throne itself , permit us to go further . The powers that now threaten us must know this full well . Their reported demands , then , can have no other object than to put us in the wrong with their own people , who may not understand our institutions . But even in that they will not succeed , for all Europe knows and respects the asylum of these isles .

      Untitled Article

      A BATTLE AT THE CAPE . We have to record a real battle and victory fought and won by her Majesty ' s troops under General Cathcart , in the Orange Sovereignty , against a certain tribe called the Basutos . General Cathcart , as our readers are aware , had made an expedition into the Orange River Sovereignty , for the purpose of checking the depredations of the Basutos chief , Moshesh . The demand of the Governor was the payment in three days of ten thousand head of cattle in full of all demands of the British Government on this light-fingered potentate . Moshesh came to the Governor's camp on the 16 th of December , and used every argument which Caffre diplomacy could suggest to him to avoid the dreaded demand . He did not know where

      to get the cattle from ; the time was short and the cattle many ; he had not control enough over his people to induce them to give up so large a prey . He bade the Government not to talk of war , for a dog when beaten will show his teeth ; and reminded the Governor , with some pungency , that the prisons of the colony were never empty . Here is a specimen of this colloquy : — " Moshesh . —I wish for peace ; but have the same difficulty with my people that you have in the colony—your prisons are never empty , and I havo thieves among my people . _ .. .. , ..,. then to catch

      " Governor . —I would , , recommend you the thieves , and bring them to me , and I will hang them . " Moshesh .. —I do not wish you to hang them , but to talk to them , and give thorn advice . If you hang them , they cannot talk . " Governor . —If I hang them , they cannot steal , and I am not going to talk any more . I havo'said that if you do not give up the cattle in three days , I must come and tako them . " Moshesh . —I beg of you not to talk of war . " Governor . —I have no more to say ; I must cither leavo this in peace in threo days , or go to Thaba JJofsigo . I therefore advise you to go and collect tho cattle as quickly as possible . " _

      On the third day , threo thousand five hundred cattle were sent in , under tho care of Moshesh ' s son , Neheniiah , but no further payment wns made within tho three days , and an advance was determined on . The Bamitos awaited our troops on tho Berea Mountain , at a place called Tlmba Bossigo . The enemy , we are told , mustered ( 5000 horsemen , and fought with great spirit . The battle lusted from sunrise till eight o'clock in tho (¦ veiling , and ended in the defeat of the enemy , with the loss of from 500 to 700 men , the Minie ritle , as wo are told , making terrible havoc among them . On our side , we lost one officer , Captain Faunce , four

      non-conilninsioned officers , and thirty-three privates killed and fifteen wounded . We took , besides , a large number of cattle , though not , so many as the ten thousand we had demanded . The next day Moshesh sued for peace , and a proof of the vigorous resistance we had met with is afforded by the fact , that , General Cathcart was content fo abate his demands , and take the number of cattlo remaining in his hands in full satisfaction of the original ten thousand . The British forces then returned to CuuVoland .

      Untitled Article

      TIIK PIOACK CONFURKNCtt AND LOUD AHKUDUUN . T iik famous Manchester Peace Conference , held in January last , appointed a deputation to wait on the I ' reinier ; and Mr . Cobdon , it will be remembered , especially pointed to Lord Aberdeen iw u man who , in

      Untitled Article

      224 T H E L E A D E R . [ Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), March 5, 1853, page 224, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1976/page/8/