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Leader (1850-1860), 5th March 1853, Edition 1 of 1, Page 228

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      That the writer of the two articles in the Times was in possession of facts will appear in the very form of his statements . Lord Palmerston has hot contradicted the Times ; he has , indeed , thought it worth while to endorse the truly English declaration of the English journal . It has hitherto been the boast of England that she is the sanctuary of freedom , and we are not going to maintain a sanctuary with an open door on one side for the crowned heads , and to close the door on the other against the patriots . The Times

      pertinently reminds these foreign governments that they have themselves profited by the sanctuary which they are now calling upon us to violate . It was here that Louis Napoleon planned his Boulogne expedition ; here came the Prince of Prussia when Berlin was no longer safe ; Metternich found quiet quarters in Belgravia and Brighton ; Charles X . sought refuge at Holyrood ; Louis Philippe at Claremont . And the asylum which they enjoyed England will maintain .

      " Wherever revolution shall happen to light , most assuredly this country will be once more the refuge of its victims . Providence , in surrounding this empire with the ocean , and in contributing to one people many races and many institutions , has formed us for an asylum , which none but barbarians will attempt to break , and which they will break to their own ruin . We are a nation of refugees . French , Flemings , and Germans have fled hither from the religious persecutions of their own countries . They who inherit such blood , and such a cause , will rather part with their lives than betray the sanctuary to which they owe their very existence . "

      Both the leading journal and the Home Secretary follow up their assertion of English independence with a caution ; a caution which we should echo if it were necessary . Lord Palmerston puts it thus : — " But I cannot confine my answer simply to that statement . I will ask to be allowed to add , that while , on the one hand , the British laws and the spirit of the British constitution give to foreig ners , of all political opinions and of all categories , a secure and peaceful shelter within this country , I think that those foreigners who avail themselves of the hospitality of England are bound by every principle of honour —( cheers)—as well as by every regard , not only to international law , but to the law of this land—are bound to abstain from

      entering into any intrigues , or from pursuing any courses intended for the purpose of giving umbrage to foreign governments , and of disturbing the internal tranquillity of any foreign countries . " ( Cheers . ) The disability which lies upon the foreigner of levying war from England docs not rely upon statute , but upon that which we in England hold much higher than statute , common law . It is contrary to the common law of England to levy war against our Government , or against the Government of any State with which we may bo in amity . Now , the levying of war means raising arms or men , or holding a head-quarters for

      movements against those allies . The principle of honour would deter refugees from acting so , upon a very obvious fooling . If a man admits another into his house who is flying from danger , that other will so guard himself in renewing the quarrel with his oppressor as not to drag the combat , and perhaps the interference of the police , witlun the household of his protector . Foreign refugees must not embroil us with foreign countries without our knowledge and against our will . When England goes to war , she goes to war by the action of her Government , and by the sanction of her own people properly represented .

      But we say that the caution is superfluous ; it has not been provoked ; the action of the persons who have been most obviously lenders in any recent movement has not , centered in England . During the last movement in Italy , Mazzini was not in England ; bis proclamations sire not dated from England ; were not originally published in England . The foreigner within our frontiers lies under exactly tlio . same disability in this levying of Avar as the Englishman , and Mazzini has done

      nothing to violate ; ( hat law . J To lias stated his case publicly to an assemblage of English people , and in doing ho lie does not break miy law of our land . An injured man may slate his injury . "Wo allow men , " as the VW . v flays , "to say and do what they pleaso , so long as they commit no open violation of our laws , and so long as they do not , propoHO actual invasion . If these men appear at , public , meetings to denounce the acts ol iuivigu powers , tio do our own countrymen ,

      and do so with impunity , "—just as the friends of Poland have danced , and dined , and made speeches against Russia . " There is no substantial difference between that and the case of the Italians or the Hungarians . We give them all an asylum for safety , and a forum for free , truthful , and honourable discussion . " They have asked no more , and taken no more , if they have conversed and planned , we cannot prevent them ; for we in England do not sanction the use of spies or domiciliary visits .

      But in lieu of this caution we may give another , addressed more particularly to the bulk of the English people themselves . While we believe that English public feeling is as Lord Palmerston describes it , we believe that there is an increasing tendency to view all such questions with indifference . We also believe that the sympathy of those who are very high in rank and very high in official employment lies with the courts and the administrations of

      Europe , much more than with the people or the patriots . For that reason , Ave believe that there is much greater certainty of maintaining the sanctuary for the Bourbon family , the Orleans family , or the Hohenzollern family , than there is for a Mazzini , a Louis Blanc , or a Kossuth . Louis Napoleon was permitted actually to take port for his Boulogne invasion , although

      he was only half royal in his condition : perhaps there may be a tendency to draw the line at Louis Napoleon ; and while keeping ^ the sanctuary open and comfortable for a Louis Philippe or a Charles X ., to shut it , if hard pressed , against a Mazzini or a Kossuth . We do not speak altogether Avithout experience . We remember that refugees from Naples , the very people whom we had helped to incite , seeking an asylum in Malta , were refused it by

      the English Governor . There is no question that the organization of the despotical governments—with their bureaucratic system , their armies of spies , and their enormous standing armies arranged for combined action , —is gaining ground steadily , extensively , and rapidly ; insomuch that England now remains almost the only constitutional government in Europe . We believe that in the highest quarters of our own country , the sympathy is more with the despotic principle than with the popular principle ; and ihnt if mir Government were to make its choice

      it would side with the despotic powers . We have an example in Sicily . After defeating a republic by setting up a candidate for an independent throne in the Duke of Genoa , and failing in that , Great Britain left Sicily at the mercy of the protegd of Austria . It is not beyond the bounds of possibility that the same kind of choice , between the extremes of the Reactionary and the Liberal , might have to be made in our OAvn country . There would no longer be the difficulty that there once was in annexing England to the despotical system of Europe . There are these three facilities towards such annexation—considerable uniformity

      in the diplomatic and bureaucratic part of Government , sympathy with crowned powers , and si great standing army , which places tho dictation over tins country in tho hands of the executive Government . In this question of sanctuaries , therefore , tho English people is but defending tho principle of popular freedom for itself . Let it yield this outpost ; let it givo up tho patriots of Italy and of Germany to tho potentates of Europe , and it may have to give itself up to a noAV member of the autocratic family established in Westminster . If England is afraid to stand up for tho cause of freedom in the person of its champions , sho had better lie down at onco boforo the march of the despots .

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      OtJJfc MILITARY RESOURCES . Evrhy ; day brings ub nearer to tho conviction that our forces are likely to be a \ anted . That conviction is no longer confined to the few , but posNOHsos tho public at large , and finds expression in tho journal of tho public ; , the Timcs . tfXb boeomoH of considerable ) importance , thorofore , to know how avo stand in regard to our military resources . Upon the whole , a survey of our forces is moro satisfactory than it avouM have been n few months back . Preparations are now going forward Avith « omo , activity ; and we perceive that a good deal i « in process of being done , which , when done , will place our national defences in a state- of thorough repair . But , much of it- in not yet done , and Avill take Home time to complete . For

      example , we have a very ample allowance of money for the service of the navy—an increase of 658 , 000 ? . exclusively of some decrease which , may be set off against that . The increase consists principally of the cost for tho naval reserve of 5000 petty officers and seamen ; increase of wages , victuals , and medical stores ; 100 , 0001 . for new steam machinery voted before Christmas , and 140 , 000 ? . voted since Christmas . We have the assurance of the Times that , while the

      French could not bring to sea the whole force of one hundred vessels , fitted with a steam power ranging from a hundred to six hundred horse , existing on paper , we can match their largest vessels . The details of this assurance , however , are not so satisfactory . On the whole , the horse-power of our vessels is smaller , and the report does not represent us as being so forward , either in the construction of ships , or the manning of them , as our neighbours . We are awaiting the official report on that subject ; but in the meanwhile , it is clear that efforts are really made

      to render our navy efficient . It is the same with the Army . tEt is explained , that although the number of the rank and file is not to be increased beyond 102 , 000 , such efforts are made to improve the conduct of the men , by good and judicious training , by supplying them with newly improved small arms , better than

      Minie rifles , by recalling troops from colonies where they are no longer wanted to maintain unjust rule , and by training the men , for combined operations of regiments brought together in brifade , that although the number of men will not e increased on paper , yet , on the soil of our own country , the number will he decidedly increased , and the efficiency increased in a still

      larger proportion . And this is done without any very great increase in the expenditure . In the year 1835 the estimate of cost was 5 , 907 , 782 ? . ; the estimate for the present year is 6 , 025 , 016 ? ., an increase of 117 , 234 ? . ; but that charge provides for 21 , 000

      men more than there were in 1835 . The proportion of our troops retained at home , or distributed in the colonies , is not stated . But , upon the whole , it may be considered that the army is already stronger than it has been for a considerable time , and that in a short period it will be very much stronger . On the Ordnance estimates the total increase is 523 , 746 ? ., distributed mainly for securing additional efficiency . The details of the estimates sho w here and there a decrease , mostly in

      the permanent establishments , or in the noneffective service ; while the main items of increase are devoted to Ordnance stores , great coats for the army , clothing for the militia , and works . So far so good . Tho supplies of arms appear to be mainly small arms ; but about 18 , 000 ? . of the increase is devoted to an additional supply of heavy artillery . The " works" appear to us to be the least satisfactory portion of the new charges . The sum of 280 , 000 ? . is devoted to the defence of Dover and the coast of Kent ; nearly aa large a sum to the Channel Islands ; and smaller

      sums to Portland Harbour , Liverpool , Plymouth , Milford Haven , Gosport , and tho Needles passage ; 225 , 000 ? . to Gibraltar , and 176 , 000 ? . to Malta . We notice , however , that of the sums voted , comparatively small portions are in course of expenditure : for example , tho estimate for the works at Scone ' s Point is 40 , 000 ? ., of which 5000 ? . is in course of expenditure . A considorablo proportion of the expenditure under tho head of " Avorks" ia devotoa to barracks ; a very necessary accommodation , but not one that has much bearing upon fortified defence .

      Upon tho Avholo , it is to bo observed that tho estimates aro advanced as measuring the preparations which aro necessary to render our defences thoroughly efficient , and our position perfectly secure ; but that almost all tins additional reinforcement is prospective , comparatively little having yet boon done in the shapo of positiveaugmentations or grand improvements . Perhaps the enrolment of 30 , 000 Chelsea pensioners

      is tho only cdvvplctcd measure ; about half the number being fit for active service . Such improvements as tho supplies of tho small arms , or the construction of groat screw Htcamers , aro a matter for tho future . It is to bo hoped , therefore , that if any enemies aro contemplating a visit , they will kindly poatpono their arrival until we shall bo prepared to roccivo them with greater justice to their merits . in tho matter of fortifications , some ridicule

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      228 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), March 5, 1853, page 228, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1976/page/12/