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    lntion and war in all parts of the continent become more confident . The partition of European Tu ^ ev j » a § ubjep | of general discussion in every capital ^» f Europe from Constantinople to Paris , from' Vienna to London . The insolent claims of Cou % t Leiningen were necessarily rejected b y the £ < # ! £ > and ttie Turkish army has renewed the e ^ nplrt to reduce Montenegro , in spite of Austrian warnings . Independently of that sectional contest , however , some

    dangerous . negotiation is going on . Prince Menschikoff , with Count Demetri de Nesselrode , is in Constantinople on Russian " business . " Paris is full of the subject j and our own leading journal writes as if the partition were solely a question of time . If so , England would permit her great Imperial rivals to close against her merchants the portals of commerce in Asia ; but it is said , with great probability , that England and France have accepted the appeal of Turkey to their joint protection . From the United States we have cheering announcements that reciprocity in fish and friendship is making way , although forms somewhat hinder immediate conclusions . Death has been busy amongst people well known in the political world . The Bishop of Lincoln , who had administered his diocese with unostentatious and peaceful regularity , has made way for Ministers

    to bestow an important piece of patronage . Bishop Broughton , the useful and diligent prelate of New South Wales , has also succumbed to age . He was selected by the sagacity of Wellington : whether his successor will work as well , remains to be seen ; but the patronage is not so high a prize as a prelacy at home . Pierce Mahony is a name more familiar to the lobbies of Parliament :

    the Dublin Coppock is removed from the scene . The young Earl of Belfast is a loss of nascent promise to his country . Heir to broken fortunes , and shattered in health , he had begun to devote his better hours to kindly offices , to refined studies , and to the assistance of the working-classes in the town from which he took his title . The working people of Belfast will remember with affection his personal intercourse with themselves .

    The " accident" on the Great Western Railway , in which an express train at full speed parted asunder , one half ploughing up the bank , and falling back on the passengers like a rearing horse , is deplorable : it is only to be hoped that the fact of a Director ' s being destroyed on his way to a board , will speak to the managers of railways in u language which they may at last understand : if so , Mr . Gibbs will not have fallen a vain sacrifice

    to the English Juggernat . But in this calamity sit least it seems difficult to attribute the catastrophe so directly as usual to carelessness or mismanagement : unless it be proved that the first care of sailors and old-fashioned coachmen was neglected—the testing of the gear , and the scrutiny of the linchpins .

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    THE WEEK IN PARLIAMENT . MAYNOOTH . Onok more thin interminable subject hau been before the House . Mr . Spooner moved , on Tuesday , for a committee of the whole House on the Maynooth acts , with a view to the abolition of the grant ; in a speech two hours long . Ho was extremely dull , and reproduced with slight additions from the newspapers the whole of what he is accustomed to Bay on this topic . Hut there was gome novelty in his position before the jlouse . Previously he had moved for an inquiry ; and had stated certain facts respecting the doct r ines taught at Maynooth . Now , ho had beea personally abused , but tlio . se facts had not been denied ; and assuming that they could not bo denied , lie at once asked the House ; V | , «^ tj ) abolish the grant . He appealed to the oath taken ^ - — ' ^ o ^ f ^ piW ^ of that House , who had sworn to defend / - ^^ *^ W' ! ' ^^ i » Church and State ; and yet there / /^ "S * " '' ^ V " o&o atnong them who sought what was called fc- Z ^ & yi + ° ttfcl »»« equity und who supported thin institution . lOv ' V ^ t » i ( lc «! ttr « Jit , tHat the system of education at Maynoofch \ \ fr ^— WUH , haHexl yit / principlos which absolved subjects from V \ M % iJ ^""^ Nugiljweo to the sovereign , urged the persecution ) f **¦ ^ wiSraMfojifcB , mnmvcd llfc the breakin g of promises , ** * f P ^ VjjJ te *» a * xKtion . H « quoted Bellarmina and m ,

    Aquinas and the { Jecretals . Taking up a file of Irish newspapers , he £ eafl extracts from them to show how | $ » e priests , had acted in the late e ] ectjpn in coercing the people by threats of spiritual punishment and temporal misfortune r ' » nd referring such conduct to the ex-^ Nince of l ^ aynooth . Here are Specimens : ' $ ¦ % . parish ^ priest m the county q £ Meath addressed his $ ocfc in thesW $ erma qtyfcmg the last' § Jectiatfo * In the pr <* fence of the Mfclfc 'High , by th » Jjytag ^ H aidyand b 7 c * u " eifix before you , will you not vote for Lucas ? ' ( Laughter-. ) He read an extract from the Leinster Express : ' The view into the other world of those Catholics who voted for Mr .

    Browne ( said the Rev . James Maher , at the Carlow election ) was far from affording consolation ; let" them go and be damned . ' ( Laughter . ) In the Evening Herald the following statement was published : ' In the phapel of Lusk the priest addressed the people at mass ; he called every voter he knew to be in the chapel by name to the altar ; he warned them of the strictly relig ious character of the struggle now going on in the face of the congregation ; he cautioned them against voting through any influence or circumstance for any other than certain candidates , and said with respect to those who despised his advice , and the interests of the Church , that he would not be surprised if their houses were burned over their heads . '"

    Mr . Spooneb made a warm appeal to tie House to stand by the Protestant institutions of the country . Mr . James Macgbegob , who seconded the motion , placed himself in a ridiculous position . He mistook the committee of the whole house for a committee to take evidence , and argued as if that were so until he was set right by the jeering laughter of the house . He said the true way to meet their allegations against Maynooth was by inquiry ; [ yet he was seconding a resolution to abolish the grant at once !] Mr . Schoiefieu ) moved as an amendment that the

    proposed committee should consider all acts whereb y the revenue of the State was charged in aid of any ecclesiastical or religious purpose , with a view to the repeal of such enactments . Until all sects were placed on a level , the principle of religious liberty would not be carried out . His motion did not refer to the Regium Donum , but he found charges for the ecclesiastical establishments in the West Indies , for commissioners for building churches , for stipends \ o ministers of the Church of Scotland , and for ministers in the Highlands , all of which he wished to sweep away . If , as he expected , his amendment should be lost , ' he should vote against the original motion . Sir Wiiiixot Clay seconded the amendment . Colonel Gbevjxxe opposed the motion . Mr . MiAliii made his maiden speech on the

    subject—It seemed they were all agreed that this debate had hitherto been far from profitable , that the feelings which had been excited were not the most genial , and that , whatever might be the result , the country probably would not be proud of their proceedings . ( Hear , hear . ) That was tho natural consequence of that House interfering in matters of religion , and whatever might be the irritation under tho affliction of speeches so lively as that of the honourable member for North Warwickshire , they must admit there yraa some ground laid by their past proceedings for bringing forward controversial top ics once and again , until they got rid of them for over . ( Hear , hear . ) Ho was glad tho subject came before the House now in a shape which would admit of his giving : a vote distinctly upon one of

    two principles . If he voted with the hon . member for North Warwickshire , granting that the State had a right to bestow endowments for religious purposes , ho should affirm that it could only do so if that religion was true , and thereby constitute the State , or that House on tho part of tho State , a judge between truth and error . If ho voted with the hon . member for Birmingham , he should simply mark hia sense of tho impropriety of sustaining religious institutions by State endowments . In tho first case ho aimed a blow at a certain form of religious porsuaaion . In the last case ho simply expressed an objection to a certain mode of sustaining it . Aa long as ho was a member of that House , and a representative of many

    persons of different creeds , he would not consent to give a votedesigned to have tho effect , oh authoritative- as ono vote could be , of deciding what was religious truth and what was not . Deep as were his own convictions , ho did not choose to express there hia opinions as to tho comparativo merits of religious systems or of religious croous . Let thoso merits Do settled elsewhere by such processes an would touch the matter in dispute—by reason , by persuasion , and by tho lives of thoso who professed thorn . Law did not touch them . All that thoy could do in regard to religious distinction in tho way of law was to show their own intoloranco . They could not alter tho nature of tho ca « o . Truth was entirely independent of them , and ha had vory little faith in that roligion which did not includo

    within it tho great principles of justice-, and which did not oromplify in all departments , political and ecclesiastical , tho great mnxim of " Do unto others as yo would they should do unto you . " But if ho was obliged to decide what was truth and what orror—if he was undor tho necessity of distributing endowments to one or to tho other—no confessed ho would rather give tho money ol tho State in support of error than in support of truth . ( Ironical cheers from tho Opposition . ) Honourable members were startled by that declaration , but let thorn oxaminu into it . Ho would far rather do something to support by external moans a bad system than ho would kill the vitality of a good ono . ( Hear , hoar . ) Tho very lost crood ho should oonsent to endow w « u » his own crood . Tho vory last form of relig ious profession which ho should wish to boo recoive tho support of tho

    State was that to which he attached himself . Because he had faith in" ite okfti . inherent and vital powers , he said , " Protect it in the eliter ^ of its rights , but do not attempt to sustain it . Let ft get itsWn living . Do not interpose to nurse or to feed J $ . ¦ Jfyou must give endowments , give those endowments to those who say they cannot do without them . Give 1 shWi to the moral heathen—give them to those who cannbt stand upoji the strength of their own gystem—who are afraid to trust their own creed—and who say that , if the State should withdraw its supporting hand , then they" are afraid that creed would not stand a chance with the world" ( hear , hear ) . Therefore , if he was obliged

    to give—which he did not conceive he was at all obliged to do—but if he was obliged to give some State support to some form of religious persuasion , he would not give it to the truth , but to that which the truth had to overcome ( hear , hear ) . He confessed he did entertain the very strongest possible objection to the Maynooth College Endowment Bill when introduced by Sif Bobert Peel's Government . . He wiBhed to do his Government and those who supported him all justice , and he believed they were influenced by motives both patriotic and pure . He believed they intended that bill as one step towards religious equality—that they intended to soothe the irritation of the Irish people . He acknowledged the nobleness of the *

    motives . He regarded the measure itself as a fatal nilstake , and as having demonstrated its being a fatal mistake by events which had subsequently taken place . Properly speaking , it was not a step towards religious equality . Relig ious equality had been too frequently spoken of , not only in that house but elsewhere , as to be comprehended simply in the provision that the priests and religious teachers of all denominations should be put on the Same footing as regarded the lav ? of the Church or the support ; they received from the State . There was a much wider sense in which he understood the term . He regarded religious equality as comprehended likewise in the relation of the laitv to the priesthood , and he always looked npon it

    as an impolitic and as a cruel thing to put the people of Ireland under the power of the priesthood , as they did by the endowment which they gave to Maynooth College ( hear , hear ) . He objected to endowments for the education of the priesthood in the Protestant as well as in the Koman Catholic Church . He should say that the office of a religious teacher was already one which exercised a large power over the consciences of those with whom he came in contact . But though he regarded this act for the endowment of Maynooth as opposed to the true idea of religious equality , he thought at the same tune that it was calculated to soothe the irritation of the Irish people . He would not , however , go into that part of the subject ,

    but would simply explain the ground upon which he had given his vote . He would fain get rid of this endowment , as well as of all ecclesiastical endowments whatever , but he would not consent to mystify himself . Who , he "would ask , brought this motion forward , and for what purpose ? What was the end which he should attain if he voted with the mover of the resolution before the House P How could he justify it to his own conscience , to take this step towards one class of her Majesty ' s subjects , when another larger and more powerful class were enjoying still larger endowments ? He would not consent to oe severe to the

    weak , and to show complacency to the strong ( hear ) . He would not go with Protestantism to do wrong , and he was not ashamed at anv time to stand by the side of Roman Catholicism when it did right ( cheers ) ' . He would wish both to stand on their own merits , and that neither should have the support of the State , each exercising their inherent power and vitality , for both of them contained some portion of truth , so that they might bring their power to bear on the best interests of the people at large . ¦ Mr . Edwaed Bam . said the reference srom that speech was an insult to the Catholics . He understood Mr . Miall as preferring the endowment of error .

    Mr . MiAiiL restated his proposition . If he had to give State endowments to religion , he would rather give them to an erroneous than a truthful system ; or , in other words , that ho would rather give external support to a bad cause than kill the vitality of a good

    one . Mr . Bai . Ii quite understood that Mr . Miall would prefer the endowment of error . Therefore ho must vote with Mr . Spooner , otherwise ho would be affirming the Catholic religion erroneous . Mr . Dwvy denied the value of the newspaper statements brought forward by Mr . Spooner . They were extracts from partisan journals . Would tho withdrawal of the Maynooth grant put an end to the teaching of tho Catholic religion in Ireland ? Might it not bo

    worth considering whether it the Irish Catholics were to be driven to seek foreign assistance , tho United States or tho French Empire would not bo glad to give it them . ' Should this motion \ hs carried , the Irish Ohuroli establishment must speedily fall , nnd he for one would never pay another shilling of tithe . Hut ho invited tho Government to extend to Ireland the wise system of legislation they were adopting towards tho Capo and Canada , namely , that of consulting tho wishes of tho people .

    Sir John Yoima regretted that this useless and irritating motion had been brought forward . The measure originally had not been ono of mere kindness to tho Catholics , but was one of imperial policy , dc-Hignod to prevent thorn from acquiring Ultramontane opinions , and Mr . Grattan himself had borno testimony to its beneficial results . Defending the course Sir Robert Peel had taken , and referring to that statesman ' s declaration that his policy had been Ireceived In Ireland with as much gtatitude as ho tttpectcct , ho

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    194 T H B L | " 4 DE R . _ [ Saturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 26, 1853, page 194, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1975/page/2/