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    should be acknowledged by some one of the vast number of those to whom it is addressed , without awaiting ; the publication of the more formal communication . There are some of the concerns of life in which conventionalities are properly to be disregarded , and this is one of them . A repl y to your address must necessarily be the work of some one individual among us , or must go altogether unperformed . " It does not occur to Mrs . Julia Gardner Tyler that the case in question is one of those in which silence is better than speech . The ladies of America were not bound to make any reply to an address which they consider impertinent , any more than the ladies of other countries . Among the undisputed Rights of "Woman is the right to ignore what she deems an insult . If the women of the United States had exercised this

    right against the Stafford House Assembly , it would have been a far more cutting and conclusive reproof than any eloquent outpouring from Mrs . Tyler and others . But the silent system was not adopted ; and Mrs . Tyler , having apparently elected herself to the office , proceeds to reply to what she considers as the insulting address of our countrywomen . After stating in many words , that American women , " with very few exceptions , " confine themselves to family duties , she goes on thus" You will see , then , how utterly impossible it would be to expect the women of the United States to assemble in convention , either in person or by proxy , in order to frame

    an answer to your address . Nay , I must , moreover , in all frankness , declare to you , that the women of the South especially have not received your address in the kindest spirit . They regard it as entirely incompatible with all confidence in or consideration for them , to invoke the interposition of the women of what are called the free States in a matter with which they have no more to do than have yourselves , and whose interference in the question can produce no other effect than to excite disturbance and agitation and ill will , and , possibly , in the end , a total annihilation of kind feeling between geographical sections . It is the province of the women of the Southern States to preside over the domestic economy of the estates and

    plantations of their husbands j it is emphatically their province to visit the sick , and attend to the comfort of all the labourers upon such estates ; and it is felt to be but a poor compliment to the women of the South to suppose it necessary to introduce other superintendence than their own over the condition of their dependents and servants . They see , too , or fancy they see , inthe fact that the address which you have made them was handed to you , already prepared for signature , by the editors of the newspaper press of England , and that , according to the admission of the Duchess of Sutherland , in her opening address to your

    convention , your convention itself is but the offspring of the same political newspaper press—I say , they see enough in all this to excite , not their sympathies , but their apprehensions . They also see , or fancy that they pee , in your movement the fingers of your greatest statesmen . The Countess of Derby , the Viscountess Pahnerston , tho Countess of Carlisle , Lady John Russell , not to mention others of distinction and notoriety , would scarcely be complimented by a supposition that thoy had signed or openly approved such an address without the concurrence of their husbands . "

    Mrs . Tyler explains tho advantages which her countrywomen enjoy in hearing their male friends discuss the present political state of America , and her future destiny in the way of " beating all creation , " in virtue and freedom . " Tho women of the United States foresee all this , and they also thoroughly comprehend tho fact that all confederacies have heretofore , in the history of tho world , boon broken up and destroyed by tho machinations of foreign governments ; and if such has been the fate of other confedoraciea , hpw much more vigilant ought wo to bo to guard against tho fatal results which have attended on others , and to look with suspicion , come from what quarter itonay , on all interference in our domestic concerns ! If tho Achaian [ Achumn PJ and other leagues could not withstand tho machinations of tho powers of their day ,

    how truly sensitive ought wo to bo on a point which proved bo fatal to thorn ! And if tho foreign atatos by whom such confederacies * wore nurrounded folt it to be due to their own safety to destroy thorn by their machinations , liavo wo not reason to suppose that a tenfold interest is found in our caso , in view of tho rapid growth of tho United Statos , and in tho oarly development of that futuro which will clothe this country with all the elements of control in tho affairs of the world ? Governments and countries which are now looked upon an stars of tho first magnitude will ore long , if tho United States roll on in their {) rosont orbit , bo secondary and tertiary in tho political lerninphoro . This is quite oh thoroughly known by us as by you , womon of England , and therefore you should not bo in tho slightest degree surprised at tho suspicion with which your address is regarded by all tho thinking women , not only of tho South , but of thu whole Union . "

    " There is but ono subject , Mrs . Tyler dccluroH , " which thero is a possibility of wrecking the burft of this Union "—to wit , tho ono selected by tho Duchess of Sutherland and hor allies for peculiar patronage . Her draco , doubtless , " bad no such stun" in hor thoughts " as the doHtruction of a vast ompiro , when Hho got up an Anti-Shivery Meeting in honour of " Uncle Tom ' B Cabin . " Hut it wiih fuirly open to Mrs . Tyler to show tbftt nil nueh interference ) on tho jmrt of tho Women of England with tho Womon of Amorica ami tho nocial and political . institutiona iu j ; l » o millet of" which thoy Hyc , can bo no ports of t , h 0

    " mission" of the former . As an American , she is also entitled to doubt the genuineness of a loud repentance which never came on till the penitent had no more power to sin . " We know that there , is but one subject on which there is a possibility of wrecking the bark of this Union—a possibility , however , which I trust is very remote ^ -and to that very subject you have given your attention ; and not only so , "but have subscribed an address , not prepared by Jourse lves , as the emanation of your own susceptible earts , but the admitted production of the newspaper press of England , which affects a mawkish sensibility on a subject with which it has nothing properly to do , and all for ends which every reflecting person cannot fail to understand .

    " Nor is this suspicion in any degree removed by the fact on which you predicate your address , viz ., the fact that your country inflicted on her then colonies the ' curse' of slavery in opposition to their frequent and solemn protests . In the historical fact you are certainly correct . The colony of Virginia , and , I believe , most of the other colonies , were constant and earnest in their remonstrances , and one of the causes set forth in the Declaration of Independence , as prepared and written by a son of Virginia , was a continuance of the slave trade by the mother country in despite of all remonstrance on the part of the colonies . Thus , then , England not only permitted but encouraged the slave trade , for a period of a century

    and a half , as a means of swelling her coffers , and the infamous traffic could only be expelled from this country by the force and power of the sword . Tour kings and queens , sustained by your Parliament and people , entered into treaties and formed contracts for the purpose of reaping a rich harvest of profit from the trade—and the voice of the slave dealer on the shores of Africa was perfect music in their cars , because it was the music of gold told into the treasury , and all merry England danced with joy at the pleasant sound . You have been well informed , doubtless , of the treaties made by your Queen Anne , of ' blessed memory , ' and the Crown of Spain , which stipulated a monopoly of the trade in close partnership

    between those royal personages , to the exclusion of all the world beside . Yes , you are altogether correct in ascribing whatever there is of immorality or crime , in the present condition of the Southern States , to your own England . The colonies remonstrated , and remonstrated in vain , until driven to desperation by her perseverance , they severed the bonds' that bound them to England , and established their independence , and abolished the slave trade by their only resource—the power of the sword . The great slave market , in which England had enjoyed a monopoly , was thus lost to her ; and from that moment she began to discover that there was something rather immoral in the traffic . Before the slave ship was a stately argosy laden

    with treasure . The groans of its unhappy victims could not be heard above the surges of the ocean . Soon after a faint cry could be heard , borne on the winds from Africa ' s coast ; and now the Parliament House resounds with the clanking of the chains and the cries of the victims . Such the mighty influence of the American revolution , and such the power of the sword wielded in that ever glorious struggle . I desire to tell you , women of England , plainly , that your address , prepared not by yourselves , but by others , comes therefore to us laden with suspicions , when you advert , as the groundwork of your interference with our domestic institutions , to the fact of the former criminality of England . Would England , with a continuance of trade broad to the

    a monopoly of tho over our acres up present day , have clothed herself in sackcloth and ;' ashes , as she now has done ? Whore wore her humanity and hor Christian philanthropy for the long period of 160 years ? Our ancestors on this side of tho Atlantic thundered , through thoir remonstrances , at the doors of tho Parliament House , and at tho gates of her royal palaces ; and yet , for all that long period sho had no ears to hear , no heart to understand . No sympathy and no philanthropy , such as now exists , found place in tho statolv palace . How has happened all this ? It would bo well for you to inquiro . Doubtless some of your distinguished husbands can givo you plausiblo explanations—at least such an will contont politicians on your sido of tho wator . Tho editors of tho nowspapor press can como again to your aid ; but will it be an easy task to convince us that tho people of the present generation aro better , more

    moral and more Christian than all who have gone before them ; that your right reverend bishops and prelates aro more pure and orthodox than all thoir predecessors ; that your kings and queens , your nobles and gentry , aro influenced by a higher spirit of Christianity than all who have preceded them ; that your statesmen of tho preBont day are superior in moral excellencies to tlioso illustrious men who shaped tho destinies of England in past times , and loft to history undying names P It will bo a very very difficult mattor to furnish us with satisfactory reasons for this groat and midden conversion of a wholo people , aftor losing the Amorican market on the subject of tho slavo trade- and wo women of tho United States must over roceive witli suspicion all interference in our domestic affairs on tho part of tho noble ludios of England , or any portion of her inhabitants . "

    ] Hru . Tyler tlion points out with asperity and verbosity tho various objeots of sentimental philanthropy and politicnl agitation which lie nearer to t / ho Ducluwm of Sutherland and " hor compeers of high and low degree , " than tho blacks of Amorica . These , it is scarcely necessary to specify ; it would bo na well that Mrs . Tyler ' s Hosquijtodaliun suggestions may not bo forgotten by those whom sho addresses . Finally , she dilatcH on this thcine— " Amorica would lovo England , if England would Jot hor . " Wo boliovo ifc , ho thoroughly that wo do not ftwir any Horious con-BoquonceH from fchto unwiw paper wwfpro footwoon ft

    coterie of fair enthusiasts in a London drawingr-room and their indignant correspondents in the United States .

    Untitled Article

    METROPOLITAN WANTS AND GRIEVANCES . London desires to be rid of nuisances , and many are the appeals to the Home Secretary . On Monday Lord Palmerston received deputations from the various metropolitan parishes , on the subject of the mismanagement of the Metropolitan Sewers * Commission and the police of the metropolis , at his private residence in Carlton-gardens . The deputations , consisting of delegates from nearly every metropolitan parish , numbered upwards of 100 gentlemen , and they were accompanied by Sir B . Hall , M . P ., Mr . T . Duncombe , M . P ^ Lord Dudley Stuart , M . P ., Mr . Wilkinson , M . P ., lllr . W . Williams , M ? P ., Sir De Lacy Evans , M . P ., Sir J . V . Shelley , M . P ., and Mr . E . J . Hutchins , M . P . Sir B . Hall having introduced and stated the objects of the deputation , Mr . Nicholay , Mr . Smith , Mr . T . M . ; Nelson , Dr . Russell , Mr . Clement George , Lord Dudley ' Stuart , Mr . Williams , M . P ., and Mr . Guedalla , urged the necessity of local self-government regarding matters involving the expenditure of money in the metropolitan parishes , and the consequent levying of taxes upon the inhabitants to meet the liability thus incurred . Viscount Palmerston said , he felt it his duty , as it was his inclination , to exercise the office he then held to the best of his energy and ability for the public advantage . In order to do this , he was most anxious to hear the opinions of the public at large ; and therefore

    he was much obliged to those gentlemen who had come there that day to give him practical information which he should no " doubt find exceedingly useful to him as a guide . There were two matters of a prominent character which could not fail to attract his notice ;—namely , the state of the refuse of the living , and the state of the remains of the dead . He should be most earnest in his endeavours to get rid of the nuisance arising from those two causes . As to the manner of dealing with the former , he was not at the present moment decided , but he was so far prepared to say , that no local tinkering would be of any advantage . It must be one general system , and one great and

    comprehensive measure , whether under representative control or not . Upon the question of local government or centralization ho begged them to understand that "he was not conveying any opinion . As to the police , he had always understood they were a well-conducted body . There might be exceptions ; but , being new in his present office , he would make every inquiry as to the statements laid before him , and the question as to the police rate—which ho understood to be divided into three parts , namely , the discrepancy between tho rating of the north and south sides of the metropolis , how the balance had been expended , and whether the police , in its organization , had realized its purpose .

    The deputation then withdrew , and proceeded to tho official residence of tho Chief Commissioner of Public Works , Sir W . Molesworth , with whom also they had an interview . Respecting tho Building Act , Sir William would not pledgo himself—ho was too new in office . But an inquiry should be made , and he thought a measure could bo framed to meet tho exigencies of the case . Another deputation waited on Lord Palmerston , on Thursday , on tho ubject of a reform in tho present mode of assessing property for tho purpose of public and local taxation . Mr . Nelson communicated tho following resolution , to which tho deputation had unanimously agreed : —

    " That tho public and local taxation should bo mado upon ono uniform assessment , based upon not annual value of tho proporty rated , and revised every year according to tho altered circumstances of « uch proporty , and that Lord Palmorston bo roquestod to inquiro into the subject , with a viow to introducing a meusuro to correct the grievances arising from tho present unequal assessment now in operation in tho country , and moro particularly in tho metropolis . " _ ,- „ , „ . for this laintit

    As a proof that thero was ground comp , would only be necessary to take a glanco at tho dillerenco botweon tho amount of proporty in cortain parishes an assossed to tho poor and sowers rate , ami tho valuation on which tho county and police rates worn loviod . I ho parish of St . Ooorgo , liariover-Hquaro , wan aHHo « s <> d to tho poorrato at 076 , 440 / ., while tho county and polu ; o rate valuation was 828 , 72153 * ., <> r an excess over what ; should bo tho standard for assessments of 163 , 21 ) 2 / . In tit ,. PancraH tho osnessmont to tho poor wa « 572 , 731 / . ; polico and county 881 / St

    valuation , 066 , OJ 2 « - ; or an excess ol 82 , . . James , » , Westminster , wtw assessed to tho poor-rate at 412 BASE ., whilo tho county and police rate Valuation wan 421 , 048 * . Excess 1 ) 125 / . In Morylobono tho excess , was 161 , 170 / . ; In Ht . Martin ' H-in-tho- ^ iolds , 1 ) 741 / . ; whilo in Hackney tho poor-rato ansoasmont was 1 U « , O 7 JU ., tho county and police rato valuation was only 104 , 088 / ., showing that thoy woro as much under-rated ub tho othor parishes Wore overrated , thoro Doing 31 , 385 / . loss to tho county' police than to tho poor-rato . In tho pariahoa of Paddington tho tlijfbronco wao 2 tf , 800 J . j Islington , 10374 , j Koneingtojp .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 19, 1853, page 179, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1974/page/11/