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would enter upon it with less of sincerity and less of earnestness to make the discussion a reality , and to enable it to effect the object desired , than the aristocratic government of England . ( Cheers . )" But too many people , in high quarters , are interested in this question , for the extravagance to be put down with ease . There were the clubs—" the gorgeous palaces , " the military clubs in Pall-Mall ; he had seen their influence felt in society , and in the House of Commons : but there is a way to meet even that
influence—appeal to the universal public , deluge the country with tracts and publications ; tho time is precious : if the press of London ( ?) go on for another month or two , as it has been going on for the last month or two , it may be too late to avert the calamities of war . Mr . Cobden condemned the press for making remarks on the French , especially on the new Cherbourg line of steamers ; and he imputed to the press a desire that England should " pitch into France . " As to the United States , he took a totally new view of tho Anglo-American Alliance . Here it is : —
" I have heard a great deal of trash talked , and have seen a great deal more written , about , what is to be expected from the United States of America , if we declare war with France . Don't deceive yourselves . America is not coming to put herself in alliance with the Anglo-Saxon race , to make war with France . ( Cheers . ) If you go to war with France , I tell you what the United States will do—the first tiling they will do will be to assume a very bold attitude , and require you instantly to abandon that right of search , which was claimed and exercised during the last war , and was left an open question even at the peace . Now you will be obliged instantly to renounce the ri g ht of visiting American vessels . America will no longer allow you , \ fith her tonnage , now . nearly equal to your with
own , to do what you did forty-five years ago impunity with her . And what will be the consequence ? America will carry on the commerce of Europe . Now , I invite the merchants of Liverpool , whose organs talk so glibly of war , to pay attention to what I say—do you suppose that , with the navigation laws repealed , that if there is a war between France and England , and our narrow seas swarm , as they will , with privateers having lettei-3 of marque , and with many and many a stout steamer built on the Atlantic shores , coming over here with letters of marque to seize as prizes your mercantile vessels , do you suppose that , under such circumstances , anybody will be such a fool as to send one ounce of freight under the English flag ? "Would not the insurance be some twenty
or thirty per cent , more than the insurance of some American ship ? and who in tho world do you think could carry on competition in any commodities if he had to pay twenty or thirty per cent , more than those who brotight their goods in any foreign ship ? What must be the effect instantly of war ? Tour ships must leave your harbours , and go and enter themselves and get registered either as American ships , or Dutch ships , or Hamburg ships , and bo anything but English ships ; then you may bring your commodities here under some other flag , and what will become of the shipwrights of Liverpool when all the
English ships are gone , and no others building ? They may follow the ships , or go to the workhouse . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) That is what will follow a war ; that is what will come of the 'high hand , ' and 'pitching into France , ' as the saying is . ( Laughter . ) Do not listen to those papers which talk about ' pitching into' France ; and do not delude yourselves with tho idea that tho United States will ever come to help tho English in any war that may be carried on . Tho Amoricans aro too shrewd to light other peoplo ' s battles ; when you find them fighting it will bo for thomBelYes . ( Cheers and laughter . )"
Mr . Cobden pledged himself to turn out , if ho can , every Government that proposes an increased armament . He had no hostility to the present Cabinet ; lie would not know Lord Aberdeen , if he met him in Pall-Mail ; but he believed Lord Aberdeen shared the cherished opinions of Sir Robert Peel , who was in favour of reduced armaments . "We know , gentlemen , what tho convictions of Lord Aberdeen are , and what thoso of flic lato Sir Robert Pool wore ; and , fortunately , having those opinions recordod before this mooting , and before this agitation was ripened to its present , height , nnd therefore having a minister whoso opinion : * have gone before this agitation , and who cannot bo naid to hint ) been pressed into our service by either fear or hope , I think that he , of all men , is tho statesman who can , with propriety , take our object in band . ( Cheers . )
And what u glorious opportunity lor hucii a work P What do we ask him to do—to effect ; a complete revolution in tho feelings and relationship of two of tho greatest countrieH of tho world . Wo ask him to put an end to tho hatred and disaffection which exist between tho two eounfricn . Wo ask him toemployhis diplomatists to aid in mitigating tho bunions of Ihoir countrymen . We ask him to enter upon a new path , and probably the only path open to him by which fainu and honour can be achieved for his nuine ; and wo nay , if Uo taken that course , although interest may bo opposed to him , though powerful parties may be opposed to him—though tho professions may bo opposed to him— -aye , and although aristocratic feeling should oppose him that there is guarantee enough in this hall - ( cheers ) and if he will take tho right step , ho may depend upon it that we will enable him to succeed . ( ChoorH . )"
Let them organize at ; home , and make members who vote for iiHTuiiHitd armament h feel their resentment at tho poll . Mr . John H right sustained his increasing reputation for breudth and Htatusnuinsihip . His opening arguments woro that war in an evil , and that tho money tipent on
armaments might have been spent much better . JReferring to the wars arising out of the French Revolution , and the aggressions of Napoleon , he said , this country was then involved in a struggle the like of which was never known for expenditure of blood and treasure , and for tbe incalculable and untold woes which it inflicted on Europe and England . " And I should like to know what were its results ? Was freedom established in Europe ? Europo has been in chains ever since . Was freedom secured and established in England ? For forty years it stifled the cry for freedom , and prevented tho carrying out of those measures of reform which we obtained m 1832 . It landed Europe in tyranny , not better than that which it
overthrew ; and it landed us in an amount of debt , of which ¦ we yet bear the burdeD , so large that the most enthusiastic and honourable payer of everythingtbat he owes , has no notion whatever that the people of England will ever discharge it . ( Hear , hear . ) But talking of the expenses : — that war lasted for twenty-two years , and it has been calculated that not less than 1 , 000 , 000 , 000 sterling were expended upon it ; the debt increased many hundreds of millions , and hundreds of millions of taxes were expended , which were raised during the progress of the war . Now , we do not know what 1 , 000 , 000 , 0002 . is , in amount ; but there is an illustration which may help us to find it out . Tf you had had an enemy at the mouth of every river in the United Kingdom , at the entrance of every port , and had left all
he had seized remorsely upon every ship which your ports , and harbours , and rivers , for twenty yearsand had confiscated cargoes and ships—it would have amounted to something like the sum which your rulers spent in that war . But if you want another illustration —for I am sure that I have derived benefit myself from examining into what this sum , of one thousand millions , means—imagine the families of Great Britain to be about 4 , 000 , 000 in number . That sum would give to every family a comfortable dwelling-house of the value of 250 Z . ( Cheers . ) If you take the United Kingdom , and conceive there are 4 , 000 , 000 of families of working men in this United Kingdom , that sum would place every family in a 10 Z . house , and pay his rent for ever . ( Cheers . ) That would be a much more comfortable thing to look at than
what we have left of these glorious victories—tyranny in Europe , reform delayed and stifled in England , and an enormous debt for us and our posterity to pay . * * We were always told that the Duke of Wellington was the saviour of this country , and that the battle of Waterloo secured the liberties of England , and the peace of Europe . "Well , it is a very odd sort of security—( cheers)—it is a very odd sort of salvation which you got in the year 1815 , which requires that you should pay some twelve to sixteen millions per annum for tho next 40 years , to Becure it , and , at the end of the forty years the sixteen millions is not enough , and those who said that the peace of the country was secured , say that we are utterly defenceless , and must now begin to make ourselves safe . ( Cheers . ) Now , \ £ I that not
were one of the persons Who believed wo aro secure , and I take it for granted that there aro some honest and ignorant persons who do believo that —( laughter )—if I were a Minister , pressed by the services to add to the military expenditure , instead of corning to Parliament with a simple voto for four , or six , or eight hundred thousand , as tbe case may be , I would take another course . First of all , and without at all taking tho views of the peaco party , but taking tho grounds which every man who really cares for his country must admit to bo true and sensible grounds , I would ask whether the money now expended is well or ill applied ? I would ascertain whether all our weapons of destruction wcro made after the most improved model . ( Hear , hear . ) I would soe whether our
ships really could sail or not . ( Laughter . ) I would tako care that half the ships that were built , should not be cut athwart that they might be lengthened—that some should not first havo tbe screw , nnd afterwards havo tho screw takon out and tho paddle-wheel substituted —( great laughter)—I would take caroif it were possible—and as it is possible in the mercantile marine , I we no reason why it should not be possible in tho navy—tho ships should bo built in such a manner that when onoo built , they should bo efficient for thoir objoct , and that tho enormous and extravagant expenditure arising from constant change should not so conthosadmirals
stantly take place . Thou , with regard to e —• —( a laugh)—it will be said that 1 havo no business to flpeak of persons with whom I can havo very little acqunintanco , though my right honourable colleague might have spoken of them with some show of reason , for a most distinguished admiral , now in high comnuuid , admitted to mo that ; Mr . Gibson was , ho thought , to tho full as well < iunlitied to take one of the Queen ' s ships round the world uh most captains in tho service --- ( loud clioM-nund laughter ) — and i asked him whether he did not think that he was quite as good a navigator ( which no doubt he ih ) as a great number of tho admirals P Ho smiled ; but bo made no denial , ( daughter . ) Mr . llright asked why we continued to employ our troops in the colonies ; surely Canada , for instance , could protect herself and keep order in her territory , lie imputed the great , war expenditure in theso piping times of peace to the " services . " After breaking a lanco with tho Turns ; and severely criticitiiug it « correspondent , the " Englishman , " Mr . Ilright asked—* ' llow should we lake the comments that , have ) been
ntndu upon the Freneh people and tho French ( jloverninont « luiing the last twelve months ? Would it not bind ovory man to the ( Government by reason of his national feeling , even ( . hough In ? might not hiniKolf havo given a vole in favour ol" the establishment of that ( lovernmont ? Anil notwithstanding all that has taken place in Franceno twithstanding tho universal cry which luut been lnudo amiinst the French— -it in a fact that eauiiot bo disputed , that some diminution ban taken place in tho Freneh army ; and it has beeu slated ou ^ ood uuthurity—I wcuix on tho
authority of papers entirely adverse to that Government —that that reduction would have been of a much greater extent if the head of the Government had had his own way in the matter . " In his closing remarks there was a lugubrious sublimity in the depth of the woes he prophecied : — " Gentlemen , we have had uneasiness , irritation , preparations for war ; the tinder is abroad now ; the train is laid ; it wants but some accident to excite a spark to set all this in flames . Some taxes imposed—some taxes not reduced—trade disturbed—no financial reforms in the combing session—no reform bill ; and we are told by softie of the writers of the Government that the only thing now to he looked at is the defenceless condition of the country . ( Laughter . ) And if war should arise—if war should spring out of these insane proceedings—language wholly fails one
to describe tho disastrous consequences that must ensue I shall draw no picture of blood and crime , in battles by sea and land ; they are common to every war , and nature shudders at the enormities of man . But I see before me a vast commerce eclipsed , a mighty industry paralysed , a people impoverished and exhausted with ever-increasing burdens , and a gathering discontent . I see this now peaceful land torn with factions—I see our now tranquil population suffering and ferocious—I see sown , as it were before my eyes , the seeds of internal convulsion and of rapid national decay ; and in the mournful vision which must afflict tho sight of any man who looks forward to these events , I behold this great nation , the prolific parent of half a future world , sink into hopeless ruin , the victim of its own ignorance and credulity , and of the cowardice and the crimes of its rulers . " ( The lion , gentleman sat down amidst the most enthusiastic cheering . )
A vote of thanks to the chairman having been passed , on the motion of Mr . Carter , M . P ., the meeting separated at twenty minutes to eleven .
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MR . COBDEN'S WAGER ACCEPTED . Me . Cobden has published the following correspondence , which explains itself : — " Lieutenant-General Brotherton presents his compliments to Mr . Cobden . " He sends him a duplicate of a letter he addressed to him yesterday , at his town-residence , 103 , Westbourneterrace ; but , finding he is not in town , and not likely to return immediately , and as the letter might not be forwarded to him , he thinks it better , in order to avert the chance of delay , to send him this duplicate . " Jan . 30 . " Travellers' Club , Pall Mall , Jan . 29 . " Sik , —I -perceive by the report of your speech at the meeting of the Peace Conference at Manchester , on Thursday evening last , you aa : e made to say that , in order to test the sincerity of those wLo differ from you in opinion as to the probability of invasion , you will enter into a legal bond , to pay down io , uuoi . when liivu&on xu"Wx ^> place , to him who will undertake to pay Is . a-week as a subscription to tho Manchester Infirmary till that event does occur . " Being one of thoso who differ from you totally in opinion upon this subject , I accept your proposal , and am prepared to perform my part of the engagement when I receive your reply . " I am , Sir , your obedient servant , " T . W . Bkotheeton . " To B . Cobden , Esq ., M . P . " MK . COBDEH ' S ANSWER . " Manchester , Feb . 2 . "Sin , —In reply to your communication , I beg to say , that although my offer , to which it refers , was addressed to a gentleman individually , and not to tho public , yet , as ho bus declined my challenge , and as your letter and duplicate , forwarded to me at two addresses , have como to hand before any other application lias reached me , I have very greafc satisfaction and pmlo in transferring to a General in her Majesty ' s service the insurance against the risk of invasion which I had intended for the relief of tho terrors of a respectable conductor of an influential provincial newspaper . I must , however , suggest ono alteration in tho terms of agreement as contained in your letter . Instead of undertaking to pay 10 , ( XK )/ . wlien an invasion takes place to one whoso professional duly it might be to prevent such an event from occurring , and who might thereby bo placed in the invidioun position of backing the chance of his own defeat , I will , upon the condition that you subscribo a shilling a-week to tho Manchester Infirmary , enter into a legal engagement to pay you the above sum of money when a French invasion is attempted . Enclosed in the name of my solicitor , and 1 should wish tho bond to bo completed anHoon as possible ,- —in which , with your views , you will , I dare say , agree with mo ; and I have the honour to bo " Your obedient servant , " iticuAitn CouiJKtf . "L ietiloiiaul-Ociicral Ili < - ) tlii > rton , Ac . « j > ^ I H l , ftll inform tho treasurer of tho Manchester Infirmary that a subscription from mo to that charity of 21 12 s . a-year will bo paid by you during your lifetime , or until the . Froneh attempt an invasion ol these islands . " . . Tho above letters were firwt published ; but tlwj mornings Times uflordn tho following : ---" 'l ' mvcillorfl' Club , Fob . S , 1 R 53 . « tfII { i l have this day received your reply to m y lettor of the uilth ultimo . . " As my Hole object m Inking up your challenge was ta IckI , your nincerily , which 1 have now dime , 1 therefore . decline to accept your bond . Hut , of eourne , L nevertheless Hlill hold myself bound strictly to perform my part , of the ameemonl viz ., the payment , of tho weekly subscription ( , o tho Manchenl . er Jufiruiary , and I havo accordingl y directed my solicitor to wait upon yours , and give- him all ( ho uatisfuctory security be jnuy require for tho due pay-
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FEttttuftY 5 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . 125
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 5, 1853, page 125, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1972/page/5/
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