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the protection of the weaker nations of the earth . It would not at all surprise us to see an appropriation of five or ten millions of dollars , to be placed unreservedl y in the hands of General Pierce , for the preservation of peace and the honour of the Republic in the approaching crisis . We are entering upon an eventful period in our history . " Confirmatory of this , and much more significant , is the following paragraph , from the letter of the New York correspondent of the Times , under date December 25 th , four days after the above announcement : —¦¦
" Mr . Soule " , the senator from Louisiana , has introduced a resolution placing 5 , 000 , 000 in the hands of President Pierce , to be used by him at his discretion , after the present session expires , that he may be enabled to meet any exigency which the unsettled state of our foreign relations might render possible . If this resolution passes , it will show two things : —First , the confidence of the present Congress in the President elect ; and , second , the alacrity of our National Legislature to spring to the rescue of the country whenever its interests are threatened . This proposal comes from the Committee on Foreign Relations , who have access at all times to the archives of the Goverment , particularly the unpublished despatches . There is thoug ht to be more reason for apprehension in regard to the future than the public generally supposes . "
As respects Sonora and Saraana , we have some curious speculations . It would appear that the annexation policy of Count Boulbon did not arise from any sudden force of circumstances , but th $ t some such step had previously been considered in France . For example , M . Dupasquier du Dommartin , who has travelled much in America , has published a work in France , in which he talks of checking what he calls the " omnivorous progress of the United States , which threatens the political and commercial supremacy of Europe , " by preventing the construction of the Great Pacific Railroad j and that " this can be done effectually by planting vigorous French colonies in Sonora and Chihuahua I " The New York Times says that the French colony in Sonora was invited thither by the Mexican authorities , " with the active concurrence of the French Minister
in Mexico , and for the avowed purpose of pre-occupying the only route by which a railroad can be constructed to connect the Mississippi with the Pacific . " A letter has appeared in the Courrier des Etats Tfnis , written by a M . Farrance , who contends that the French occnpation of Samana , and the conquest of Sonora , are the " initiatory steps by which Napoleon III ., in the interests of the allied * despotisms of Europe , intends to
commence an active intervention on this continent against the further spread of democratic principles . " The Courrier is the French organ in the United States . Samana , in St . Domingo , is in the N . E . part of Hayti , between 19 ° and 20 ° North lat ., and 69 ° and 70 ° West long . The position is commanding as relates to the West India seas and commerce . The United States is naturally jealous of such a step as taking possession of Samana .
The Washington Union ( Democratic organ , and probably the Mpniteur of President Pierce ' s Administration ) has a long article in relation to the " French in Sonora and Dominica , and the Monroe Declaration . " The writer states that these events have excited in this Republic " mingled doubt and astonishment ; " the more especially no when viewed in connexion with the speculations of the French press , " respecting the propriety of encouraging European colonization in Mexico ,
to prevent its absorption by the United States . Ihe Union then thinks that the French Government has not sanctioned the Sonora movement , and proceeds to express a belief that Sonora will , after all , be annexed to the United States . But it hints that " thin Government will not permit Louis Napoleon to plant his foot on the confines of California . " The writer then says , " that the French Government docs entertain the purpose of extending its power on the American continent , is not a matter of doubt : " and he complains of the
capture by Franco of tbo peninsula of biimana , as a naval depot , in tho island of St . Domingo . Nay , ho BayH that , from such a station , in tho event of a war with tho United Slates , " ho might easily ravage our c . oimncrcu and desolate our coasts . " Again , the Ifniott nays , with regard to Smnana , " Will tho Government of the United States Hutt ' cr France to effect a foothold ou this continent , or establish a position in its waters , wheuco it may operate ho imperiously on American ailaira ? Will not tho Government remove the pretext mxfor which France nets , by itself assuming tho protectorate of Dominica ?" The article doses with a strong argument in favour of the Monroe doctrine , to prevent tho interference of any Kuropean Powers with tho American continent .
Jn the United Slates Senate , oh the Utfrd Doc , Mr . Mason democratic member for Virginia , moved for copies of Iheouioialnotesof the Ministersof Franco and Knglanel , proposing a tripartite treaty , disclaiming all pre > sont and iutiin ) intentions to obtain possession of Cuba ; and of the reply of the United Status Government thereto . In Hupnort of Inn motion Mr . Mason Naid tho island of Cuba liea in tho gateway of tho Gulf of Mexico , and
all American statesmen have ever held that its political condition must be regarded with unrelaxing vigilance . The two great European powers knew beforehand that the proposal they made would be declined . It has been the established policy of the United States , made known in the most open , frank , and undisguised manner , that while Cuba remained a dependency of Spain we would never interfere with it , but that if ever any ambitious or grasping potentate should attempt either by rapine or treaty to take the island from Spain , it would become tbis country , cost what it might , to interfere and prevent it . Every country in Europe knows that What means , then , this invitation on the parfc of England and France ?
I should read its meaning thus : —France and England believe that the possession of Cuba by the United States would be fraught with consequences injurious to them , and therefore they give us to understand , by this form of communication , that they are in league to prevent it . Now , sir " , treating it thus , I have this to say : —We have already indicated our policy to let Cuba alone , and sacredly to regard the ri g hts of Spain . We know that in the fulness of time the fruit will ripen and fall from the parent stem . When that time shall come its political connexion with this continent is inevitable . Interference by other nations may hasten the event , but the combined powers of Europe cannot prevent it .
The acquisition of Cuba by the United States is a question of time only . As the proposition of the two great European powers , " Let it have what meaning it may , whenever the hour comes when , in good faith and with due regard to national honour , we can incorporate Cuba as one of these United States , it will be done , and Europe may find it best then to hold her peace . " Mr . Cass , following on the same subject , deprecated the practice of turning the other cheek to the smiter in national affairs . Therefore it was that he bad
proposed last year to repudiate by a solemn act the interpolation made by the Emperor of Russia in the law of nations . The country had been frightened on that occasion out of its true duty and dignity ; but it will come back to it . Already the return is begun , for the Whig Convention of New York has pronounced its adhesion to the true doctrine in the following resolution , every word of which he , Mr . Cass , heartily approves : " 3 . As to Foreign Policy—Peace evermore , so far as is consistent with the due assertion of our rights ; a careful avoidance of all entangling alliances with foreign Powers , but a solemn protest against any deliberate defiance of the laws of nations for the furtherance of the interest of despotism ; and a generous and active sympathy with , and moral support to , all oppressed nations and races struggling to assert or retain their liberties . "
And , be continued , we shall not only come up to this good work of participation of the public law of the world , but we shall also adopt the policy advocated by Mr . Monro and Mr . Polk , that no European nation shall be permitted to colonize , hereafter , any part of this continent . But there was no objection made to their maintaining existing colonies , as the English papers impudently and falsely asserted . Mr . Cass could not believe that France is endeavouring to obtain possession of " any portion of the Mexican territories , but if she is , the eflbrt should be met and resisted by the whole power of tho United States . With regard
to Culm" So long as Spain retains Cuba , or should the island becomo independent—truly and honourably ho—we have no ritfhfc to interfere with it . Arid , for myself , I should bo willing—desirous , indeed—at any time to purchase it of Spain , ami at a liberal , oven an extravagant price—but no transfer to another power , either by peace or war , arid tho resistance of such an attempt by ull tbo means which God lias ( riven us . And I have never uttered a sentimemt , hero have
or elsewhere , incemsiatent with those views , though 1 ) often been charged with what is called ' lillibustoring' projects , and that , too , by respectable journals , during tho Presidential contest . No man , editor or reader , lias tho right . Lo prefer such a charge- against mo . I believe in public an well as in personal morality , and 1 value tho honour of my country at too high a price to barter it . for any scheme of aggrandisement . And 1 embrace tins opportunity to bear my testimony of approbation to the recent conduct , of ( , lu > Administration in relation to Cuba . "
lie could not but reprobate tho repeated eil ' orts to interfere in tho concerns of another nation , and be had no charity for the motives of tho leaders engaged in them . The rights of Spain should l > o respected , and she lias even a claim to forbearance at the bauds ol tho United States , considering her weakness , her remoteness , and tbo disturbed slat *) of Cuba . " I desire the possession of Culm , principally as a military position , with a view to its vast , importance as the Irue key to the Mississippi . Kill as u > inert ) question of acquisition , tho subject presents no terrors to mo . 1
ob-Horvetl tho President views it diiFcrontly , and loresooH strong objections ! to tho measure - to the goneral principle , indeed , ol' tho extension of our territory . As to tho general subject of annexation , I . have no now views to disclose ) . It is pretty well known that 1 . have ) a capacious swallow lor territory , though I am froo to e-onfess that / can wait . awhile ) patiently , if mse'esKary , ami spend tbo liinei in digesting our luut aequiailionH . Thoy hit lightly upon tbo Htomudi , ami jiromiao te > promote tlio health of tho bexly poUtio to tt dogroej Murnuuymg tho wuiguiuo oxpootutiuiia oi
those who expected most from the measure . We are often asked by the timid and the cautious , ' Where is annexation to stop ? ' That question will not be answered in my day , and I leave its solution to those upon whom may devolve the duty and the responsibility of deciding it . But 1 repeat , Sir , that I denounce any acquisition but an honest After challenging a comparison with any other nation , as to the manner in which the United States had made acq uisitions of foreign territory , and angrily reviewing the remarks of a portion of the London press , Mr . Cass
concluded" Mr . President , since my earliest years , and where I could , I have rebuked the unworthy course of the British , press and people towards this country ; and for the expression of this natural feeling of indignation I have been , often denounced for belligerent propensities , and tor a wish to involve us in a war with England . Nothing could be more untrue or unjust than this charge . I never wanted a war with England ; but I felt as an American oueht to feel , though for many years there was a kind ol
infatuation upon this subject , a shrinking from Jingnsn boasts and English taunts , which marked a portion oi our people as though it were our duty to submit to them with silent acquiescence . For myself , the opinion of England is no more than the opinion of any other nation , and 1 deprecate that sensitiveness which would lead us to watch with iealous earnestness the indications elsewhere oi tlie views entertained of this country , of its conduct , vcjjfiy , and institutions . " 1 w After some other senators had spoken , the debate was adjourned to the 4 th of January .
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THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ALLIANCE AT LIVERPOOL . At a splendid banquet given at Liverpool on Monday last to the new American ambassador , Mr . J . R . Ingersoll , by the American Chamber of Commerce , fresh manifestations were given of that cordial sympathy which s ubsists between the people of Great Britain and of the United States , and which the best men on both sides of the Atlantic delight in promoting by wo rd and deed .
Among the first toasts of the evening was the health of the President of the United States . Having briefly responded on behalf of the head of his Government , Mr . Ingersoll had next to return thanks for a similar compliment paid to himself . Beginning with an emphatic and grateful acknowledgment of the kindness and good-will towards his own country which had everywhere met him here , he proceeded wh ; h a happilymanaged transition to extol the noble institutions of Liverpool , and the excellent spirit of her people . Liverpool is at present the largest seaport in the world for exporting commerce , but she does herself great injustice
if she deems that her great characteristic—if she does not pride herself on her domestic and internal arrangements . The seaport is but the gate to a magnificent town—it is the opening to the . hospitality and wealth and all the elegancies of polished life . Hut what ho most insisted on was , that Liverpool possessed , and used , the best opportunity for cultivating that kindly feeling between two great kindred nations which may , perhaps , terminate in tho same ; Anglo-Saxon feeling which one day in defence of constitutional liberty may call us shoulder to shoulder— - ( vehement applause)—in the defence of our common rights . Jn Liverpool ,
the stranger from America receives his lirst impressions and makes bis first acquaintance ) here , n »< l he renown and fixes them when he passes again through Liverpool on his homeward way , alter paying his vi . sit te > this blissful and blessed land . ( Chcuvtt . ) As pnictiwil exemplifications of the ; inlernutiemal efli ; ct e > f associations thus formed , Mr . rngersoll mentioned tho cast ) of * an American brig which ran ugrounel in the river Congo , em the IDth of June last , and whierh was rescued by heir Majesty ' s brig Dolphin , when beset by 3000
i " ... ,, ! ,,. ,., / n . l / l /• i > H : iiiilv linve massacred armed savages , who would certainly have ; massacred every soul em bourel but for such Unu'ly ; iid . This is onu side ) ol" the mature ; another is seen in Uu * » aw « "j sixteen ISritish sailors , found by the American mail steamer J ' arijir in a wnti'r-loggwl vessel , in danger ot LTo ' mg to pieces every minute- The w : a was so rough that no bout could li « *<¦ ., ( , ' <> her ; !>»«¦ »•> " Anmncaiw remained six hours in lu-. r neig hbourhood , rea . ly to At bust
. sacrifice their lives in thn attempt »< succour . i \^ J ' ari / ia siucci ^ d in taking tho sixte-en HritoiiHou boarel , carriee ! them to New York , where all were delighted to assist then ., . u . tl afteuwarels brought , the ... Hi . safety to Liverpool . ( Clurrs . ) Such . « the brot . horly feelin- between KiigliHlmu '" and A . neneans ; and e-e . mmercial infemsts lenel naturally to aid that , idling . It is within the , reuollcetion of some persem * new living that , the fu st , pum : l of cotton I Venn America was brought into the- port , of Liverpool- That little parcel has wince grown into tbreti million bale's a-ye'ar , of which England receives two-thirds . This in onu bond of union . ( Applause-. ) Another in , that tho Aineri < : ann Imvo 1 <) , ()()() ve'sse'ls , amounting te > about U . OOO . OUO of tonnage , engaged in tho trade ) Uetwwn Hit ) twe > countries . A bridge ) in almost built botweyu tho onu ami the othw ,
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Jawab , ? 8 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . J ^ L-
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 8, 1853, page 29, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1968/page/5/
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