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    better use all the diligence they can in providing him . at home with those incentives that are drawing him ahroad—political recognition and social comfort .

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    EUEOPEAN POLICY IN AMERICA ; AND AMERICAN POLICY IN EUROPE . On all hands , it is confessed that the United States are entering upon a new phase of their history , and European politicians seem disposed to aid in its development . Last summer it was reported that Lord Malmesbury had committed England to the defence of Cuba against the United States , in the event of a rupture . There ¦ was some ground for the report ; although it turns out to have been very slight . The Foreign Minister did actually propose a tripartite

    convention to the Government of the United States for the protection of Cuba ; but it must have been seen that the only danger to the Queen of the Antilles lay in the assumed aggressive spirit of the Transatlantic party to the treaty . The Whig statesmen in office , subservient as they were to European powers , instantly rejected this rather insulting offer ; for no statesmen of America entertain the idea of seizing Cuba except in honourable war . Five years ago the views of the dreaded Democratic party had been expressed bv General Cass : and tnev amount to this : We * J * C / 1 ACL Oil . KJCLBD j iXiLLKJL lU-LCJ' CblX ± \ J \ JLIXV \ J \ J i / i-LLO . II D

    UJ desire Cuba ; its possession is for us a political necessity ; we will buy it of Spain ; should war arise we will take it from Spain if we can ; should it become independent we will recognise its independence ; should a European power attempt to obtain it we will oppose that power ; but while Spain holds it , we will strictly respect the relation existing between us in every way . Then why ask us now to join a tripartite of defence ? Thus was European intervention met by the statesmen of America . England , we believe , will not again enerage in any such Quixotic intervention . But

    there are indications that France is disposed to try her fortunes , and dare the confederation . What will be the result ? The reply concerns us in a twofold degree ; as respects America and as respects our own safety . It would be absurd even to imagine the possibility of war arising between France and the United States ; were it not that the presiding genius of the former is characterised by an incalculable ambition , and that the new spirit of the latter has yet to show in its issues . We are

    compelled , under severe penalties , to scrutinise with anxious care , each symptom of the policy of Louis Napoleon ,- because by that means alone , can we learn his probable aims . We have seen enough of him to know that he can smile and stab ; that his promises aro hollow , and his words delusive ; that , on his lips , professions of peace are more likely to mean intentions of war ; and that , at all events , the more emphatic are his assertions , the more surely aro they a blind to

    cover an ulterior and different purpose . And as words , symbols having a certain meaning with ordinary men and honest rulers , aro utterly valueless when he employs them , ao wo aro bound to look to facts ; and we are further bound not to disregard the slightest or the most improbable in our estimate of his future . It is precisely at outlandish places that wo may © xpoct to discern indications of his objects ; and overt acts are not all we can trust to .

    When wo read , therefore , that a French naval force has taken poscssion of the peninsula of Sainana , on the island of St . Domingo , we have an indication of French interference in Weal , Indian affairs . We find Samana is possessed of a secure and capacious harbour , at one of the most commanding points jn tlio West Indies . Wo remember that St . Domingo wan onco an important French colony ; and that the reigning sovereign , Soulouque , has beenthomost successful imitator of Napoleon ill . Now , the citizens of tho United States are extremely jealous of

    this covert intervention in the affairs of San Domingo . They are crying out against , it . ; and , in tho United States , Louis Napoleon has no spam popularity ; '" id not many friends . In San _ Domingo there is a little republic , called Dominica ; Franco proposed to bo its protector ; why should not the United States be the protector of Dominica P Why need Franco bo called in ; and a naval station be handed over to her , from which her Hoots may issue and harass the commerce and tho coasts of America P Is it likely that Jonathan will stand that V Ho is already somewhat excited at tho bare report , and hua begun to talk about tho Monroe Uootrino .

    But the occupation of Samana may be as perfectly regular , in a diplomatic sense , as the occupation of Home . Still Samana is by no means the sorest place in this business . Sonora , a large slice of Mexico , with a long coast on the Pacific , and only separated from California by the Gila , has been annexed , or declared annexed , to France , with the consent of the French consul . Well ; that , if it were the consequence of a fortuitous concourse of Frenchmen , disgusted at Mexican bad faith and disorder , would not be a very wonderful fact . Stranger things

    happen . But the whole aspect of this event is altered when we find it preceded and heralded by the speculations of French writers . We are told by M . Daumartin that it is reserved for France to check the " omnivorous progress of the United States , which threatens the political and commercial supremacy of Europe . And how is that to be done ? What , as another French writer p hrases it , are " the initiatory steps by which Napoleon III . intends to . commence an active

    intervention in the American continent against the further spread of democratic princip les ?" Why , nothing more nor less than what it is said Count Haousset Boulbon has clone— " by planting vigorous French colonies in Sonora and Chihuahua , " writes M . Daumartin . France , then , has taken two initiatory steps . She has made one with a view of getting back Hayti and San Domingo ; she has made another with the object of arresting the advance of Jonathan in the West .

    Unluckily , however , for Louis Napoleon , the party virtually in power is the legitimate descendant of that whose mouthpiece , President Monroe , declared long ago against the settlement of colonies dependent on European Governments on the American continent . The party acceding to office is not inclined to truckle to old-fashioned diplomacy , or tolerate despotic ambition . General Pierce is not likely to take the " checks "

    of Napoleon III ., without meeting them , and giving the drawer change in full . Congress , no doubt anticipating the views of the Democratic President , is , we are told , about to take high ground with respect to the recent movements of France in Hayti and Mexico . So that although the designs of the Emperor have hitherto been kept secret , once divulged , they are sure to be frustrated .

    In fact , not only Louis Napoleon , but certain . Northern prototypes of his , may be made to feel the weight of American influence in the world ' s politics . Non-intervention , spite of all the cry about the failure of Kossuth , is almost an exploded doctrine in the United States . The New York Herald , edited b y a practical man , and not a partisan of intervention , tells us that a sum of money will be set apart to be used in aiding nations struggling with despotic powers ; and now wo aro told that a motion in the Senate

    has been made to the same effect . Even should this be untrue , it shows tho set of the current . General Cass , in his place in the Senate , insisted that America was one of the family of nations , and that she could not remain isolated , but must " keep on the line of political knowledge , " share the general fortunes , protest against tlic defiance of the law of nations in the interest of despotism , and sympathize with , and morally assist , struggling nations . American policy in Europe will therefore be , as Mr . . Ingersoll intimated at Liverpool , shoulder to shoulder

    with England in fighting the battle of constitutional liberty ; if oilicial England will bo with America . One more remark respecting tho apparent policy of France in America . After all , these faraway movements may bo a ruse to attract the attention of England from tho channel and her coasts . . Remember , the man imitates . Was not Napoleon ' s squadron to have made a feint , on Jamaica , in order to draw Nelson off in pursuit , while the Kmperor threw his thousands across tho channel ? . Leave the Americans to deal with

    him in their own hemisphere ; and let uh be prepared to / jjreet him warmly here ; or , better still , Knil , together the two Anglo-Saxon ' peoples in a close alliance — the alliance of Freedom and , if need bo , dcA ' y the world . KAST 1 JRKNT : TIIK FKAST OK ST . KltASTUS , A TOIJTICAIi SAINT . Mit . Akciid . haoo . n . 1 ) unison is fond of dating his letters according to the saint's day on which he happens to write them . Thus , lie places at tho Load of a letter with which ho Jiiw kiudJy

    honoured us , " Feast of the Circumcision . " Now in the Calendar of Saints one name is omitted ; and as Mr . Denison would doubtless like to have his copy of the work as complete as possible , we beg to supply the omission ; and to suggest that * when Lord Derby returns to power , or Mr . Dudley Perceval takes office , and Mr . Denison is made a bishop , he should date his announcement of the happy event to his new friends of the Morning Herald , and the National Club—" East Brent , The Feast of St . Erastus . " And this will " be the more appropriate , as the saint in question

    is a political saint , and as bishoprics are political appointments , and the religion of the Church of England — according to the doctrine of Lord Derby , the Archdeacon's modern Father of the Church—is a political religion ; and her ritual , her creeds , her articles , are a compromise . Erastus , we should observe , is properly no saint , but we have thought proper to canonize him for Mr . Denison ' s behoof , as otherwise he might feel delicate in using his name . Erastus is henceforth the saint of the State-Churchmen , whose ranks

    Mr . Denison—forgetting that a " Churchman should have no politics "—has now joined . No doubt Mr . Colquhoun , and Major Beresford , and Lord Shaftesbury chuckle over their distinguished convert , and are ready to subscribe for a portrait or a bust of Saint Erastus , which might hang in the oratory at East Brent , where the image of One who broke the neck of Pagan State-Church-craft probably now hangs . And let there be added a portrait of Henry the Eighth , of George the First , and of Lord Derby . Mr . Denison thinks that last week we did him

    injustice ; and that our vieVs of his conduct may be something clearer , he forwards us a striking proof of the justness of our criticism—namely , a copy of his address to the electors of the University of Oxford . This letter is , itself , an act of" political churchmanship . " In it Mr . Denison avows that the Derbyites won him by promising to amend the management clauses ; that is , Mr . Denison , accepting the pay , demurs to the control of the state over the teaching . He does not

    object , Erastu 3 would not object , to accept state assistance in the matter of education ; but ho would limit the action of the state to that simple function of paying money to the church . Now state control is an inevitable consequence of state pay . People don ' t pay taxes in order that certain officials may humbl y hand them over to tho National Schools . The church at present is a political institution , and it must submit to the laws

    which govern such institutions . But then the new cabinet , which a supporter of Lord Derby , without blushing , tells us has been formed by an act of " flagrant political immorality , " will , it seems , bring latitudinarianism into the church , through latitudinarianism in the schools . Well , upon the principles of Lord Derby is that so inconsistent a thing ? Compromise is only another name for latitudinarianism : and is the basis

    compromise , the modern Father says , of the church . So that , for a man , who accepts the status quo , to argue against its legitimate fruits , is not only illogical , it is ridiculous . Mr . Denison , be it remembered , eagerly connected himself with Derby and Disraeli ; yet now he severs all political connexion with Mr . Gladstone , on account of his flagrant political immorality . This may be a political churchman ' s discriminating view of political morality ; but it i . s not ours . conduct of

    And what is most amazing in the the political State Churchman of East . Brent is that the whole of his opposition to M r . Gladstone , and the whole framework of his objection to tho Cabinet , rests on suspicions . Jle suspects that Mr . Gladstone will do this , and not oiler resistance to that . Me suspects that the Cabinet will bring forward educational schemes , objectionable ^ to himself . H" suspects the whole Cabinet of dishonesty and insincerity . In the sweeping ehanro even 'Prince Albert is included , if we aro correct in our reading of the following passage , which contains . such a questionable pun :---" Now latitndinuiiunism in the <' nl ) inet in Kn ^ lnnd ,

    where the Church is closely bound up with the State , acfcH powerfully , iind , ho to . speak , immediately upon tho Church lierHclV . I ' o . s . sibly certain unhappy iniluoiuwH , not exactly ijcrnutnt : to this country , but which do , nevertheless , exist inul flourish amongst , us , ami are taken , upon strong evidence , to be very favourable to liititudinnriiinisni in the Church , may liavo had somethhiq to do with Uu > construction of tho latitmliuariau Ciihinet , us a powerful means and engine , ami a stop in Hint direction which they most atlcet /' JNut our pou , but Mr . Deniaon ' ii , underscored

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    January 8 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER , 37

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 8, 1853, page 37, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1968/page/13/