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¦ a had accepted the wording of this resolution from + h Earl of Derby in the hope of securing unanimity by ucession , but he had been disappointed in that ex-^ ctation . He regretted having adopted such a course , P jje preferred his own resolution , whilst that of the ft oble eari had exposed him to opposition from all part ' pa He assui'ed the House that he had learned a 1 sson from this matter which would not in future be lost upon him . '
The Earl of Aberdeen , as one of the oldest and niost intimate friends of Sir Bobert Peel , congratulated the House and the country on the success of his measures . He would not himself have advised or proposed an vote of this description , as he held that their lordships had , in 1846 , pronounced a very decided opinion Upon the subject of our commercial policy , and nothing had since been done to indicate the slightest reaction towards the old system . At the same time , he could not comprehend why the resolution to which the
Commons had agreed should be objected to by noble lords opposite . The present resolution , however , was a reactionary resolution . It was so constructed , that the logical and fair inference from it was , that the Government would agree to a change in our policy , were it not for the evils that would attend it . But this was not a sufficient ground for their adhering to the present system . If they adhered to it , it was because it was " wise , and just , and beneficial , " and this he wished the House to affirm .
Lord Beaumont insisted that the resolution passed in the House of Commons could not be construed as a reflection on the Government , otherwise how could Ministers in that House have supported it ; and if it were not insulting , why did not Lord Derby accept it ? Lord Clanricarde had shown a wonderful complaisance in yielding , not only the two resolutions he had intended to move , but in adopting the resolution drawn up by Lord Derby . For himself , he was not content with that resolution , and he should move the resolution agreed to in the House of Commons .
The Earl of Debby described the view he took of the present position of the question , and urged that the noble marquis had deliberately adopted the words of the present motion in order that there might be no division of opinion upon the subject . He put it to the House whether , consistently with their lordships' ordinary practice , they could give their support to the amendment ,, of which no notice had been given . He did not think any resolution was necessary on the part of the Government , as they had given ample evidence of their full intention to carry out the principles of Free-trade ; but ho contended that noble lords would best promote the same object by affirming that principle in such a manner as should secure the greatest unanimity in support of the resolution .
" My lords , I will not now enter into any discussion of the wisdom , expediency , and justice of the measure of 1846 . I differed from the pohev . and still more widely from the justice , of tho introduction of that measure at the time when it was introduced and by the man by whom it was introduced , and I gave tho fullest proof of tho sincerity of niy opinions by abandoning the colleagues with whom I had Ik > other ground of difference ; but from that time to this , I defy ( I do not use tho word offensively ) , tho warmest
friends Mjf the lato Sir Robert Tool to find in any speech or writing of tnino a single expression derogatory to his character ; and ftu » only serious misunderstanding I had with my noblo nnd larncntcd friend , the lato Lord George 13 < mtinck—a misunderstanding which I nun happy to say was thoroughly removed boforo his lamented death—was upon " ¦ lull and frank expression of my opinion that nothing could bo more unfitting or more impolitic Mian to load with terms of vituperation those from whom wo are compelled by political reasons to differ . "
In conclusion , ho entreated the House not to enter upon » useless discussion about the pust , and to give tho Government credit for having no intention whatever to adopt a reactionary policy . Tho Marquis of Laubdownh said he could not vote in favour of tho nmondnient , in consequence of what had taken place the other night ; but his noblo friend wan justified in calling on their lordships to express am ° l » nion so decided on the subject that tho House nnd * ; »«> Government should not readily bo able to depart h'om it . The motion fell sort of what tho occasion ^ miuuled , but ho could not recommend their lordships , under the circumstances , to refuso it .
I'bo . Earl of I [ a'UIUvwj » y suggested that the simplest "nd host course of arriving * i . u unanimous conclusion would ho to omit the preamble oi-U . e resolution , avoid the allegation of any reasons , and declaim " That this J'ouw , thankfully acknowledging the general prospurity , adheres to tho commercial system recently esfn-Minhwl , and would view with regret any renewed attempt to disturb its operation or impede its further progruHB . " That would be a more statesmanlike proposition .
''he Duko of Nkwcmbtlic concurred in th « suggesli ( »» of tho noblo Hurl who spoke last . The preamble lll no pnrtieulur value in tho cyca of tho nohlo
Murquis who proposed it , while it had been received with disfavour on other sides of the House . The remainder of his speech consisted of an able defence of Sir Robert Peel , and a vindication of his policy ; especially as contrasted with that of Lord Derby . Sir Robert Peel had not made agitation against the Reform Act the baiUs of his party ; quite the reverse ; therefore a declaration , in 1835 , that he would not disturb the Reform Act was not demanded of hini . Sir Robert Peel had manfully and openly changed his opinion in 1845 , and retired from office ; " but what we complain of in the conduct of Lord Derby is , that he has not changed his opinion . " If he had come forward even at the eleventh hour , and avowed a change , then there would have been no more necessity to bind the Government than to bind that House ; but he had not done so ; and a resolution was necessary . The resolution and the amendment were withdrawn , and Lord Hakkowby carried his amendment , as a substantive resolution , without opposition . What an undignified climax to the great struggle for Free-trade or Protection ! THE BUDGET : INCOME-TAX . The final discussion in the House of Lords finishes our account with the past ; and the financial projects of Mr . Disraeli carry us fairly onward into the now undisputed regions of Free-trade taxation . Let us see how Ministers seem likely to fare . On the motion for going into Committee of Supply ,
Mr . Gladstone made a statement respecting the Income-tax , the House-tax , and the Tea duties , and the form of proceeding about to be adopted . He objected to taking the House-tax before the Income-tax ; it was by no means the constitutional order of proceeding . They were about to provide for the fina ' neial year of 1853 , and in April the Income-tax would cease . That Income-tax supplied one-tenth of the revenue ; and they were to be called upon to decide on the augmentation of the House-tax before they knew whether the Income-tax would be continued . Then they were not called on merely to vote the renewal , but the reconstruction of the Income-tax . To that , he and others entertained wholly insurmountable objections . And , in respect of the proposal to vary the rate on incomes , to that he must offer the most strenuous opposition . The foundation of his objection was , that it would commit a breach of the public faith to the national creditor . And he quoted the Loan Act , and cited the opinion of Mr . Pitt , to show that loans had been contracted on condition that they should be " free from all taxes , charges , and impositions whatever ; " that fundholders might be taxed as the recipients of incomes , but not as fundholders . This was the first intimation of serious opposition to the Budget . Mr . Hume came in to the rescue of Mr . Disraeli , and stated that ho differed entirely from the views of Mr . Gladstone as to the alleged breach of faith with tho public creditor ; but then he would prefer to deal with the Income-tax before dealing with the house-tax . Mr . Disraeli would not go into the question . Ministers were prepared to stand or full upon the decision of tho House on any point of the financial measures . Lord John Russell had desired that a distinct issue should be raised ; and in complying with that suggestion , ho had fixed Friday for considering the house-tax and tea duties . But here Lord John Kuksjoll joined issue . He hud suggested nothing of the kind . He had only asked what Government intended to do . He added his criticism to that of Mr . Gladstone , declaring that the principle of the income-tax was at variance with the principle laid down by Mr . Disraeli last session—that if you had direct taxation , it ought not to be founded on exemptions . Hut the proposition in the budget , was not founded on one , but on various exemptions . " I must say , " exclaimed Lord John , in closing his remarks , " that , alter what I heard on Friday night , I do think the / iimneial safety of the country is in great peril . " From the observations of Sir CifA iti-Kfl Wood , Sir John Siiiollkv , Mr . Sidnhv IIicuiuckt , Mr . Kvim . yn Dknihon , Sir JIknkv W ua . ouuhi \ y , and Mr . John MAOditiidOit , and in spite of the attempt made by Mr . Wai . I'oi-u and Lord John Mannkuh to win over the House , it was apparent that the course taken by the Government , in placing the house-tux first for con . siderjition , was strongly disapproved . Tho House ( lien went into a COIIMIHUH OK MUl'I'I-Y . " Mr . Stakkokd moved for votes of 11 !( , ()()()/ . for KOOO additional seamen ; and 100 , 000 / . for steam machinery . Tin- Government proposed to ask for 5000 additional seamen , and U > OO itiminoH lor four calendar months ; hut in order to make tho sum which would bo required as small as possible , tho Government would assume that for tho lirat two months only half tho
number of seamen and marines would be raised . At the same time , he was happy to state that the rumours which were circulated of the difficulty of getting men to join her Majesty ' s ships were highly exaggerated , though the House must not disguise from itself that at present the British sailor was the most precious article in the market . The Government had not only to meet the competition of the mercantile marine and the attractions of the gold regions , but of every other navy in the world , and therefore it was absolutely incumbent upon us to do everything that would promote his comfort , and tempt him to remain in the naval service .
With regard to the fleet which the Admiralty proposed to raise , and which he trusted the House would enable it to raise without delay , they intended that it should be stationed in the channel , cruising , of course , occasionally up and down for exercise . At the Nore , they proposed to place three frigates and five steamers ; at Plymouth , four sail-of-the-line and five steamers ; and at Portsmouth , five sail-of-the-line , two frigates , and six large steamers . Considering the exposed nature of the coast , and not forgetting Osborne and the hopes and loyal sympat hies which often centred there , he thought this would not be looked upon as too large a force for the defence of our own shores .
Mr . Hume protested against the vote altogether . Lord John Russell warmly assented to it . In deference to public opinion , Mr . William Williams would offer no opposition to the vote . Sir Geor&e Pechell complained of the stoppage of the sailor ' s grog , and suggested that they should be made to understand that t heir position in other respects should not be made worse than that of any other
service in the world . Captain Scobell congratulated the House that they had at last taken the right means for securing national defence . As to the vote for steam machinery , Sir Geobg-e Pechell complained of wasteful expenditure in altering ships , " pulling them about , " in the system of saluting , and in pulling ships to pieces whether they wanted repairs or not . The House laughed at the complaints , and agreed to both the votes .
They subsequently voted 111 , 900 ? . for wages and victualling stores , &c , for the 5000 seamen and 1500
marines ; and 92 , 6581 . for 2000 artillerymen , 1000 horses , and additional heavy iron ordnance . The Chancellor of the Exchequer then asked for a vote of 15 O , 000 Z . for the purchase of hind for tho erection of a new National Gallery , and of edifices for other purposes , which he proceeded to explain . He observed that the time hud come when it was necessary to study the industrial education of the people . This country could no longer maintain its manufacturing superiority by its mere command of raw material . The intellectual clement was daily becoming more and more important . The results of the Great Exhibition had brought this conviction to the minds of those who had had the direction of that most
interesting display . The Chancellor of the Exchequer then alluded to the progress which the Continent had made in the establishment of industrial schools , and proceeded to advert to some of the principal points in the recent report of the Royal Commissioners . Ife stated that the Commissioners had invested their surplus of 150 , 000 / . in the purchase of land , and had asked the Government to recommend the House to make a similar advance . Land had been bought near tho site of the
Crystal Palace , nnd the ultimate hope of the Commissioners and the Government was to combine on one spot a complete collection of raw material , of machinery , of manufactures , and of pictorial mid sculptural art . It was also hoped that the various scientific societies might assemble and combine their collections on the same ; sit *? . He concluded by urging the great ; importance of the object , and the benefits it would confer upon the industry of the ; nation .
Lord Skymou it generally approved of the proposi tion , but , believed thai , the societies would object to hi removed to Kensington . Lord John Kuhsiom- cor dially concurred in the proposed plan , in which h < believed that , he saw u prospect ; of the greatest advantages to the country . Mr . Hiimic objected to vot » public , money until lie knew in whose hands the future management ; of it , was to be . Mr . Dunmmond ridiculed the notion of trying to force upon the people a love of line art , for which nature had not qualified theni . He drew an unfavourable contrast-between our artists and those of foreign nations , and asserted that we hud never produced anything of a ( irsl-rut . e order in art . Mr . Nwaut protested against Mr . Diuminond "*) inferences , believing all nations capable of improvement and development .
Tlie CiiANriiXi , oit of the Kxcn i : q , Uku defended tho proposed locality , showed Unit Mr . Drunimond hiul mistaken the object of tho Commissioners , and reminded the House that it was not by the present vote- pledging itbolf to anything besido the purchuae of tho laud .
Untitled Article
December 11 , 1852 . ] THE LEAD E R . 1175
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 11, 1852, page 1175, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1964/page/3/
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