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    Huns and the Vandals to come that should again destroy rivilization ? Alas , it had not occurred to them that civilization itself might engender the barbarism that would destroy it . It had not occurred to them that in the heart of our great capitals , in the neighbourhood of our splendid laces , j churches , and theatres , and libraries , and museums Vice , ignorance , and misery might produce a race of Huns fiercer than those that marched under Attila—of Vandals more bent on destruction than those that followed Genseric ( loud cheers ) . Such was the danger . It passed by ; civilization was saved , but at what a price . The tide of popular feeling turned—it ebbed almost as fast as it had risen . Imprudent and obstinate opposition to reasonable demands had brought on anarchy—and as soon as

    men saw the evils of anarchy they fled in terror , to crouch under despotism . To the dominion of mobs armed with pikes , succeeded the sterner and more lasting dominion of disciplined armies . The Papacy rose from its debasement roge more intolerant and insolent than ever—as intolerant and insolent as it had been in the days of Hildebrand intolerant and insolent to a degree which dismayed and disappointed those who had fondly cherished the hope that its spirit had been modified—mitigated by the lapse of years and the progress of knowledge ( cheers . ) Through the whole of that vast region where little more than four years ago we looked in vain for stable authority , we now look equally in vain for any trace of constitutional freedom . "

    We were exempt ; madness did not subvert our throne , nor reaction our liberties . And why was our country a land of G-oshen ? Everywhere else thunder fire running along the ground—a storm such as there -was none like it since man wa 3 on earth—yet everything was tranquil here . We owe this to our noble constitution . Let us profit by the lesson , —prize that constitution ; purify itamend it—but not destroy it . " If we love civil and religious freedom , let us in every day of danger uphold law and order ; if we are zealous for law and order , let us prize , as the best security of that law and order , civil and religious freedom . ( Cheers . ) Yes , gentlemen , the reason why our liberties remain in the midst of the general servitude—the reason why the Habeas

    Corpus Act has never in this island been suspended—why we have still the liberty of association—why our representative system stands yet in its full strength—is this , that in the year of revolution we stood firmly by the Go-T ^ rnment in its peril ; and , if you ask me why we stood by the Government in its peril—when men around us were engaged in pulling their Governments down—I answer , it was because we knew that our Government , though not a perfect , was a good Government—that its faults admitted of peaceable and legal remedies—that it was never inflexible to just demands—that we had obtained concessions of inestimable value—not by beating the drum , by sounding the tocsin , by tearing up tho pavements of the streets , or by running to the gunsmiths' shops for armsbut by the mere force of reason and public opinion . ( Loud cheers . ) And , gentlemen , pre-eminent among those

    pacific victories of reason and public opinion , the recollection of which chiefly I believe carried us safe through , first the year of revolution , and then tho year of counter-revolution , I would place two great reforms which are inseparably associated—tho one with the memory of an illustrious man who is now beyond the reach of envy , the other as closely associated with the name of another illustrious man , who is still , and I hope long will be living , to be the mark for detraction . I speak of tho great commercial reform of 184 G . the work of Sir Robert Peel , and of the Keform Bill of i 832 , brought in by Lord John Russell . ( Cheers . ) I particularly call your attention to those two groat reform ^ , because , in ray opinion , it will bo the special duty « f the Hou * e of Commons , in which , by your distinguished favour , I have a seat , to defend tho commercial reform of Sir Robert Penl•—to perfect and amend the parliamentary reform of Lord John Runsell . " ( Cheers . ) to

    As commercial reform , ho doubted whether any direct attack need bo apprehended . From tho Ministerial « peociios it was impossible to draw any inference whatever ; beciiu . se they furnished passages proving tho speakers to " 0 Protectionists , and passages proving them to bo Freetraders . " r left London in tho hoatof the elections . I was forced to ]( iav e for . Bristol . 1 left tho Tory candidate for Westminster and tho Tory candidate for Middlesex proclaiming themselves Free-traders . All along my journey through Berkshire and Wiltshire I heard nothing ' but the •'' 7 of Derby and Protection ; but so hooii as I got to ¦ Bris tol , I hoard the cry of Derby and l'Yeo-trado again . ( J « reiit laughter and cheering ) Thon , again , on the one hi < I « of the Wash you had Lord Stanley , Under-secretary 01 Iforej gn . Affairs—a young nobleman of great promise- — 1 young nobleman who appears to me to have inherited a ^ '"tf" portion of his fathor ' n ability and energy : lie held llri / jungo whieh was universally understood to intimate ¦ "h- the Government of his father had altogether abanlonort Protection . Ho addressed a town population ; but < vlio' ° " ih ° oUl 0 r " ' "loot' fclio Wash , there was tho ( Uianeull '"" ' " ! " ^ y ° f Lancaster , who addressed tho agriliii U ' m c ; "" 8 l'lueney of Lincolnshire . Some one puts to ah I T lOHlm " 'Wlutt will you do if Lord Derby innTh " r <) loeti ( m r" The hypothec wiw -monstrous an ' tl » uii , m / . | i ,, Hlli (] ) « , | 1 ^ | inBWer a q llOH ,, ; , ,, | lu ( , iti "" deroga tory to Lord I Why . I » Und by Lord Derby , << aiiH <> 1 . iUri certain he will not abandon Protection . ' -UJ . su two Hpooches , delivered by two eminent ncrsouB , " > lh of them Relieved to know ( lie mind of the Uovom" : "' ' wont forth , and they were taken up l > y Iohn diNtin-K >» in ! i ( , ( l candidates . There wan , for instance , the Tory '"¦ " Jidato for LeieeHterHliire , who nays , ' 1 . xUrtd by Mr . - i mtoplior . j believe in him—ho long us you nee him in K ° " " »>»«> nt , Protection is Hufo . ' But when I go to ¦ '' t ot Surrey -whieh is in fuet a town population , a mere " » rh of London—I find the Tory candidate Haying , and ? ' mind Mr - 91 " - > 8 t . o ]) hor , ho >« ' »<><¦ >» < ho Cabinet , Wtu ?' , 'cnow nothing about tho matter ; I Hvvear by Lord uniey . ' ( Laughter tuid ouooru . ) Nay , to nuch ft degree

    has this been carried , that we find different men , "who have changed their own former notes and opinions if they happen to have passed from one class of the constituency to the other . Take , for instance , Lord Maidstone . Ho used to be one of the most vehement Protectionists in England . He published a small volume—I do not know if any of you have seen it , but as I am an elector for Westminster , and as Lord Maidstone stood as candidate for Westminster , I thought it my duty to buy the book , that I might know his opinions . The book ia entitled Freetrade Hexameters . Of its poetical merits I shall not presume to pronounce an opinion . Indeed , you may form

    an opinion by ordering copies for yourselves , for I found , on ordering a copy of the publisher , in Bond-street , that the supply on hand was still very considerable . ( Great laughter . ) But of the political merits of Lord Maidstone ' s hexameters I can speak with confidence , for it is impossible to conceive anything fiercer or more bitter than the attack—according to the measure of the power of the assailant —( laughter )—which he there makes on the policy of Sir Robert Peel . Well , and on the other hand , there is Sir Fitzroy Kelly , the Solicitor-General to the present Ministry—who was Solicitor-General under Sir Robert Peel—who voted for all Sir Robert Peel ' s Free-trade

    measures , and who ( doubtless from regard to the public interests , which would suffer greatly by the retirement of so able a lawyer from the service of the Crown ) did not think it necessary to lay down his office -when Sir Robert Peel brought in his measure for the repeal of the Cornlaws . ( Great cheering and laughter . ) But unfortunately Lord Maidstone became candidate for Westminster , and Sir Fitzroy Kelly for an agricultural county . So Lord Maidstone forgets his verses , and Sir Fitzroy Kelly his votes . ( Loud cheers . ) Lord Maidstone becomes a

    convert to Sir R . Peel ' s measure ; and Sir R . Peel's Solicitor-General stands up and makes a speech , apparentl y compounded out of Lord Maidstone ' s hexameters , against it . ( Vehement cheering . ) It is , therefore , gentlemen , impossible for me to pretend to foresee , from the language used by the Government and their adherents , what their conduct will be on the subject of Protection . Nevertheless , I think I may confidently say , that the great reform effected by Sir Robert Peel is perfectly safe . " ( Great cheering . )

    The Free-traders are stronger than they were when the reform was effected ; in reason , because what was prophecy is now history , and in numbers , because they have the support of the labouring classes , who before were led away by " demagogues" to believe that it was purely a capitalists ' question . With respect to Parliamentary reform —[ and here Mr . Macaulay seemed exhausted , but his courage kept him going]— -with respect to that question , he thought the time was near when the Reform Bill of 1832 would require to be amended , cautiously and temperately , but in a large and liberal spirit . That could only be done by a Government ; but could they expect it from the present Ministry ? There was the greatest reason for an apprehension that they would resist just demands at one time , and ^ at another propose the wildest innovations . He would tell them why . [ Here Mr . Macaulay prefaced an exposure of Mr . Walpole's famous militia franchise by professions of personal respect , and the declaration that lie spoke on the " defensive / ' ] " Mr . Walpole addressed his constituents at Midhurst , and in doing so he spoke personally of Lord John Russell , as one honest and good man should speak of another , and as I wish to speak of Mr . Walpole ; but of Lord John Russell ' s public conduct he spoke with considerable severity . And chief among the faults which he objected to his lordship was this , that he had re-opened the question of reform . Mr . Walpolo declared himself opposed on principle to organic changes . lie justly naid , that if * .. ~ n « iC ^ lmn / vna n V £ \ i (\ lw » 1 Tl f 7 * / wl 11 ft »/ 1 iJli » V O 11 < * " 1 1 t , i 1 1 \ S t to ganic changes are to be introducedthey ought first to

    , or , he deeply meditated and well matured--that nothing ought to bo done without much thought mid rare ; and he charged Lord John Russell with having neglected those precepts of prudence . ' I must confess 1 was thunderstruck when I read that npeecli ; for 1 recollected Unit the most violent and democratic change in our representative « ynicm which had been proposed within the memory of the oldest man had been proposed a very few weeks before by this name Mr . Wulpolo . Do you remember the history of Iuh Militia Bill ? ( Great laughter . ) In general , when a grout measure for the reform of Parliament is brought in , the Minister announces it weeks before he gives notice thai , be is about to make a change in our representative system . There is , when the time comes , a great attendance , ami a painful anxiety to know what be is going to produce . I remember tor I was present- tlio breathless Hnnpon . se-with which ( MX ) gentlemen waited , on the 1 st of March , lH . J'J , to hear Lord . John Russell announce bis Roforin Hill . Hut what was bis Reform Bill to tho Militia Bill of Mr . Secretary Walpole , of the Derby Administration r Proposed at the end of a silling , in the easiest , pos-Hiblo manner , as a mere clause at the tail of a Militia Hill , it was proposed that every limn who served two years in the militia should have a " vote for the county . What- would bo Hie number of thcno votes ? The mililiii is to consist of HO , ( X )() men ; the term of their service is to he live years . 1 ' n " Lori years wo hIioiiM have l ( i <) , 000 voters , in twenty ycai-H . 1 , OOO , in twenty-live years < IOO , 0 <)<) . Some , no doubt , would by that time have died off , though tho lives are all pioLixl lives , remarkably good lives still some would have died off . How many there may ho 1 have not calculated . Any actuary would give you the actual liuinhci'H ; but . I have no doubt that when the system mine into full operation you would have Home . ' {()() , <)()() added from the militia to the eounty constituency , which , on an average , would be 0000 added to every county in England and Wales . This would l > o « u » inum-nno addition to the county constituency . What are to bo their qualifications i ' Tho lintfc is youth , for they are not to be above a certain ago ; tho nouror 18 tho hotter . Tho nocond ia poverty— .

    all persons to whom a shilling a day is an object . The third is ignorance—for if you ever take the trouble to ol - serve in your streets what is the appearance of the young fellows who follow the recruiting sergeant , you will say that , at least , they are not the most educated of tho labouring classes . 13 rave , stout young fellows no doubt they are . Lord Hardinge tells mo that he never saw a finer set of young men , and I have no doubt . that after a i ' ow years' training they will be ready to stand up for our firesides against the best disciplined soldiers that the Continent can produce . But these men , taken for the most part from the plough-tail , are not the class best qualified to choose our legislators—there is rather in the habits of

    the young men that enter the army a disposition to idleness . Oh , but there is another qualification , which I had almost forgot—they must bo five feet two . ( Laughter . ) There is a qualification for a county voter ! Only think of measuring a man for the franchise ! ( Continued laughter . ) And this comes from a Conservative Government—a measure that would swamp all the county constituencies in England with people possessed of the Derby-Walpole qualifications—that is to say , youth , poverty , ignorance , a roving disposition , and five feet two . ( Prolonged laughter and cheering . ) Why , gentlemen , what have the people who brought in such a measure— -what have they to say , I do not say against Lord John Russell's impiudence—but what right have they to talk of the imprudence of Ernest Jones ?

    ( Loud cheers . ) The people who advocate universal suffrage at all events gave us wealth along with poverty , knowledge along with ignorance , and mature age along with youth ; hut a qualification compounded of all disqualifications is a thing that was never heard of except in the case of this Conservative reform . It is the most ridiculous proposition that was ever made . It was made , I believe , at first in a thin house ; but the next house was full enough , for people came down , with all sorts of questions . Are the regular troops to . have a vote ? Are the police—are the sailors ? indeed who should not , for if you take lads of one and twenty from the plough-tail and give them votes , what possible class can you excludewhat possible class of honest Englishmen and Scotchmen

    can you exclude if they are admitted ? But before these questions could be asked , up gets the Homo Secretary , and tells us that the thing has not been sufficiently considered —that some of his . colleagues do not approve of it—that the thing is withdrawn—he will not press it . I must say if it had happened to me to propose such a Reform Bill on one night , and on the next sitting of the house to withdraw it , because it had not been sufficiently considered , I think that to the end of my life I should never have talked of the exceeding evil of re-opening the question of reformto the end of my life I should never liave read any man a lecture on the extreme prudence and caution with which he should approach questions of organic change . " ( Cheers . )

    Parliamentary Reform must be soon taken up , and there is . hope that before long we shall in place a Ministry that will take it up as it ought to be . " I dare say you will not suspect me , in saying this , of any interested feeling . The truth is , that in no ense shall I again bo a member of any Ministry . ( Loud cheers . ) During what remains to me of public life , I shall bo the servant of none but you . ( Continued cheering . )" The now Minister must " revise tho distribution of power , " consider whether small corrupt constituencies

    should have voles in the House equal to large ones ; extend the franchise without endangering peace , law , and order ; but keep clear of Universal Suffrage , as " we havo seen by the clearest of all proofs , even when united with secret voting , ( hat there is no security against the establishment of arbitrary ]> ower . " But there would be at no remote period an extension of the franchise to a larger class than the speaker once thought either safe or practicable . Turning to another subject he thus expressed himself .

    '' Perhaps I inn too sanguine , but . 1 flunk that good times are coining for t lie labouring classes in this country . ( Cheers . ) I do not entertain that hope because I expect ( . hat Fourrierisni , or St . Sinioniaiiisni , or Socialism , or Communism , or : < ny of the other isms , for which ( . he plain English word is robbery ( loud cheers ) , will over prevail . I know that these schemes only aggravate the misery which ( hey pretend to relievo . I know that it is possible by such legislation to make the rich poor ; but 1 know that it is impossible to make the poor rich . Hut 1 do believe and hope thai , the progress ol' experimental science — the free intercourse of nation with nation - I . Iks

    unrestricted influx of commodities from communities where they are cheap , and the unrestricted elllux of labour to communities : where it in dear will soon produce are :, indeed , already beginning to produce 11 great , and blessed social revolution . " It . is not . a republican form of government that keeps America prosperous : but the freedom of labour . " Why are not our labourers equally fortunate r Simply on account , of the distance which separates ( his country from the new nnd unoccupied territories , and Irom the expense of traversing that distance . Hut science has abridged and is abridging that distance it has diminished and is diminishing Hie expense . Already , tor all practical purposes . New Zealand is nearer to Kright 1 id than New fled from the t

    England wan to those P-irilnns who yranny of Laud . Already , Halifax , Boston , and New Vork are nearer England tiiiiii , within the memory of persons now alive , the island of Sky" or the county of Donegal were to London . Already tho emigration is beginning if I understand arig ht , tho . signs of these limes to produce ; the winie elfects here ar in New England . Now , don't imagine ( hat one emigrating countryman is altogether lost to us . Even if ho go from the dominion and the protection of tho British flag , or ncl tic among a kindred people , still ho in not altogether lost ; for under the benignant system of Ereo-trade , he remains hound to us by ( he cIohchI . ties—if he ceases to be u neighbour , he becomes a benefactor and a customer . For iih he turns the forcn ( . H into corn-fieldu on tho banks ) of tho Mianiu « inpi—for um Juo tonda tho ukoep

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    November 6 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER . 1055

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 6, 1852, page 1055, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1959/page/3/