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. , f raores the more restless spirits of America ; 1 a desire to have possession of the great fpr key of the Mississippi , a possession which m American statesman is bound to acquire for r ountry if he can ; the more so , since Spain , So holds it , is a feeble state , at the mercy of rnv stronger power in Europe . It isi like leaving + i kev of your street-door , out of doors , in the i rids of a drunken man or an idiot . Thirdly , believe that the Americans are impelled by I ? impatience to join issue with Europe , which Sns hitherto had the aggression mainly on its own A Shall we be accused of a Yankeeism for S lJLff that America feels peckish for lunching
on Cuba , before dinin g on Europe f _ The hopelessness oi the enterprise suggested h the Daily News as a demonstration on behalf f the Black population in America , is shown by the writer ' s own hand . It is the free states , which have had a majority throughout the measures in question , and which have given " their vote , and a heavy vote , " for all that has
been done . The measures , therefore , are the deliberate conclusion of non-slave-holding opinion in the Union ; that opinion , moreover , being national opinion , as contra-distinguished from sectarian fanaticism or extraneous interference . At the same time , the Daily News confesses that " the noble band of citizens" with whom it sympathizes " is scantily represented in Congress , "
while " it is clear that American honour and integrity are not safe in the hands of the existing American representation ; " in other words , the freely-elected representation of the whole Union , including the non-slave-holding majority , is against those peculiar doctrines for which the writer in the Daily News is pleased to monopolize the epithets " honour and integrity . " " The American press , " says the Daily News , " does not or cannot tell the truth on this subject , and at present there is no press in any other country but ours . In reply , let us point to the opinion
amongst several of our London contemporaries ; and for the Leader , than which no paper is more absolutely unpledged to the views of any party or interest , let us express the sympathy which we have for the truly national spirit of the American Republic .
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A VOICE PROM THE ARCHDEACON OF WELLS . As when upon the appearing of tempestuous seas , Mother Carey ' s chickens nutter and . scream over the swelling waves , so when the hour of \ travail approaches for ourglorious constitution inCJhurch , do Mother Church ' s chicks venture to spread their sable pinions and open their little bills . Convocation is nigh at hand , and all th ye " interests" are alarmed . There is fear An the Chapter House and the Chancery ; and / as the Kale rises , little pennons of opposition and affright rise up and dance beforo us . The great Church of England , wo are told , fears itself ; and the ministers of the Gospel of Christ cannot embark on the open aca of discussion among themselves without inaugurating an internecine war . We <; u'e not speaking " without authority . " Indeed , ''• is rather too abounding for the reputation of tho ^ . Htabliishmont . Eleven days ago , to wit on the 12 tli of October , ' iiiiom- whispered in the ear of a Somersetshireelergynian that " the Houses of Convocation
W'ghtjm permitted to proceed" to the despatch () 1 business in . November . So the gentleman in MUestion Hat him down in his study , at Weston l l )( M " Mare , drew up a petition against the J'X'usiiiv , wrote a letter to bis clergy inviting . 'ii > to Hi gn it , and . subscribed himself , " Your l ; "J > iul servant , Henry Law . " Henry Law iH tho A rchdeacon of Wells ; and , 11 "' <' lire not misinformed , be is tho very ill iclmel ° Ull (! faithful who love to set the lance of their lluKl't iindei- th <> fifth HI ) of the High Church part y Wrapped in tho wot blanket of the Kvii . ii-^ ' '" 'al Hiv . t , and looking through the spectacles ^ ' . y provide for their followers , Archdeacon Law 7 h lllu "K" ' <> ii light which , under tho conditions ¦
»< Hetir , ih not at nil surprising . Mo sees a jjj ! ' ^ ' "fu r oil " , and he cackles over it , and « im !' al ) uul / ' ' " ¦ startling manner , which '" "n iih many apprehensions for his safet y . ; i <|| . < ' <)( "mil ( -n '' which ho has inoulmteiei , and ( on ' ' St !( . 1 l (> ll 'H ( 'l (! 1 "'t ;!> l coinatcs in tho Archdoa-^ l . y <> l Wells , is an address to the (^ ueon . ili / K iu Uu > collective name , Mr . Law adwC H ( lH H "" - J <*' y "< appointed of God ;" 11 nil tho world , Mr . Law included , known
that she is appointed under the Act of Succession . Having made his bow in the Eastern fashion , Mr . Law , from " motives of allegiance , " " duty to the Church , " and what not , expresses the apprehension and regret with which he and all the supposed signataries " regard the desire now strongly expressed that your Majesty would permit the Houses of Convocation to resume the active functions which have been so long and so wisely suspended . " The next paragraph ends , not in a shower of fire , but a shower of verbs . Mr . Law admits , and " deplores the divisions" of the Church . He declares
that they are a " constant humiliation" to his soul ; but he is only anxious to cover them up . Mark , it is not really their existence that he deplores—it is their exposure . For he says , " The restoration of synodal action , instead of being a remedy for such evils , would tend to widen , and irritate , and aggravate , and multiply them to a fearful and inconceivable extent ; " that is , these evils , otherwise divisions , would assert themselves , instead of remaining hidden . " What Mr . Law ' s
opinion of his fellow Churchmen is , may be guessed , when he says , we " would not conceal from your Majesty our dread lest unseemly and intemperate discussions should bring discredit on the Church . " And then , again fearing only the visible , he writes with tender trepidation , " We are also tremblingly alive to the possibility lest extreme views of doctrine and discipline might be advocated , which would prepare the way to a separation ; " apparently not feeling the scandal of the existence of extreme doctrine so
long as it is not advocated in an official way . "A sudden spark , " he remarks with profound originality , " may kindle a flame which no waters can quench ; " not even Lord Maidstone ' s Deluge . Having delivered himself of his fears , he continues with a respectable sniff " , "We have heard , indeed , much of visionary advantages ; " but he cannot imagine " any practical benefit" likely to result from the revival of convocation . Possibly not ; that is not one of the gifts attached to an archdeaconry . On another subject he may be supposed to be better informed . He says that he and his possess every " facility for the full discharge of their ministerial duties . " Is this a delicate allusion to the Chancery at Wells ?
But the cream of this address lies in the specific proposed by Mr . Law , as the remedy for all evils . What do you think it is , reader ? Listen . " We would further state , that the great blessing which the Church of England seems to need , under God , is—repose I" After remaining torpid for above a century , the Church is awakened in great pain , and one of her most unctuous soothsayers suggests as a soothing syrup for her troubles — MORE REPOSE ! Some hundreds of years ago , it was said , " Go ye out unto the ends of tho earth and preach the gospel ; " it was not said , " Go ye out into all the snug places ye can find , and—repose . "
It is therefore in full consistency witli this sleepy morale that Mr . Law implores the Queen not to open a door in the Houses of Convocation , for " the outbreak of further distractions . "
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ABD-10 L KADER AND HIS LIBERATOR . Curtain acts forbid criticism , and Louis Napoleon's liberation of Abd-el Kader is one . If we wero to compare this last act Avith the- same man ' s previous achievement , wo might find grounds for . suspicion as to its single-mindeunesH ; but let us reject such grounds altogether . To look suspiciously into the motives of acts wliicli are great in themselves , is poor spirited : it is treachery
oven to the greatness which it professes to defend . If sin act of generosity is greater than him who performs it , that man , so to speak , extorts the tribute of our respect by stepping into a , higher grade than that which he had previously occupied . It is tho very essence of a sanctuary , that it should avail for all , from tho noble-trespasser to tho basest mercenary ; nnd the . sanctuary of generous spirit should avail for all who enter it .
In this matter , Louis Napoleon has at least . shown himself superior to thosowho went before him , — -to Louis Philippe , to I jamoriciere , to Cjivaigmir , and all tho Governments which might have done what bo has done , but which neglected it . II' ho lias now shown himself superior to hiuiHelf as bo was while bo delayed so long , wo lire bound to accept ( his confirmation as proof that ho meant what ho said , when ho promised to rclouHo Abil-cl Kuclor , sooner or later . If wo
say that it is cunning in him to take advantage of the respect which such an act extorts , his cunning is at least of a nobler kind than the dulness of Louis Philippe and the others who could not perceive the moral influence of generosity . If we say that he is taking advantage of moral feelings which he does not share , then the very fact of his subserviency to those moral feelings is a great testimony to their rightful sovereignty ^ He admits that " the Emperor" is less than the generous man , and in so doing , though he himself may have belonged to an inferior caste , he helps in sustaining the nobility of generous feeling . Some of us are amused at the lecture which he
insinuated to the Arab chief on the subject of good faith . It is possible that the creature of bad faith may now feel , in his own case , the paramount necessity of good faith as the real governor of States , and if so , how striking the testimony to the hfgher influence ! It is possible also , however , that Louis Napoleon may not know that he has broken faith ; so complex are the self-deceptions of human nature . But whatever may be the inner workings of his mind , he has at all events shown that the man who has
waded through treachery and blood to the throne of a day — who has deceived tho whole world , and filched an Empire from a people that has lost its way—who has attained to the summit of power by vulgar means—still in his heart has the faculty to feel the highest motives of humanity , still trusts to that feeling in others , and still rests the crowning glory of his pageantry on an act of generosity to an almost forgotten prisoner . JRate the man and his motives at the worst , and you cannot destroy the greatness of the act .
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TAXATION EEDUCED TO UNITY AND SIMPLICITY . * V . THE TAXATION OF THE UNITED KINGDOM . In our preceding article we pointed out that which we take to be the true subject matter of taxation—viz ., visible and tangible property . Our next step would be to discuss the principles of assessment ; but since our remarks on that branch of the subject , however susceptible of general application , will be best read with a special reference to tho particular circumstances of the United Kingdom , we shall show , in this paper , how our own taxation would stand under the proposed system .
From this view of the s \ ibjcet we exclude all debate on the amount of our present taxation , on the fitness of the purposes to which it is applied , or on the economy , judgment , or fidelity with which it is administered . We take it for granted that our present revenue must be raised ; our inquiries relate to the forms and incidents of ' the taxation by which it is to bo raised , and to nothing- more . We first need to know what is the amount of visible and tangible property—that is , of taxable property—in the United Kingdom . Stutieians , we believe , have not arrived at any very certain conclusion on this point . Probably , however , tin ; following facts and opinions will supply . sufficient guidance for our present illustrative purposes .
In Porter ' s 2 ' rogress of the . Nation ( Sec-. VI ., Chap . 2 ) the real property of ( Jroat Jnitaiii is estimated , from the returns of the Income Tax in 1842 , to be of the value ot " 2 , ; J 82 , 112 , 425 / . This assumes the- average value to bo that of 25 years' purchase ; and it , is said not to include properties of less than 150 / . per ann . We ought to add , that tho income , tax returns of 1850 and 1851 , under schedule A . treated in like manner , do not give more , than 2 27 : * , < . > 5 K , <) 00 / . ami 2 , 2 (> 4 , 254 ,: H ) 0 / . respectively . These ; numbers do notsodiller from each other as to require us to depart from Mr . Portrr ' f ) estimate for 1842 , which , considering the ; evasions known to have been practised of late , is more likely than those ; of subsequent years , to have approximated to tin ; true value of tho real property . In the same chapter of the same work , the personal property in ( ireat lirituiu is estimated from the legacy duties at , 2 , 200 , 000 , 000 / . in 1845 . Hut those dulirs are not , payable on properties under 20 / ., and , from that < uu . se-, with or without others nm ! ribut . ing to tho Hiinii ! oHee . t , I . Ik ; property lei ' l , l > , y only three-tenths of tin ; heads of families , eoiiMvi under tho operation of the legacy duties : much personal properly also pusses at or in anticipation of death , under arrangements which do not subject it to duty at nil . The sum above given , then , probably docs " not , fully represent the personal property in 1845 ; an increase too has taken plueo since ; that date ; . I'Yom 1814 to l 845 Uuifcincrca . se . was estimated at 1000 millions , e > r M 2 millions per aim . * fcjco Leader , No * . 109 , 111 , lir > , VM > .
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October 23 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER . 1017
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 23, 1852, page 1017, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1957/page/13/
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