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emigration may produce a measure of the same effect Land itself , indeed , is permanent ; but the value , and even t he ownership , of land , are amongst the most refined of social results . Such are the difficulties of principle , to say the least of t hem , which Mr . Babbage and others let in . by assuming that income is a true gauge of property—an assumption wholly unsupported , we think wholly untrue and we hope to show wholly unnecessary for any
practical purpose . Mr . Babbage , indeed , himself says , « I think it would be impossible to get the real incomes of all parties" ( 5450 ) . We can then hardly suppose that any practical difficulties would be much diminished by adopting this mistaken " approximation" to the value of property . ISTor do . we see why we should still adhere to the principles , doubtful or absolutely false , which have been subsequently employed to sustain the unfortunate original assumption .
The principle of Mr . J . S . Mill is , that equal taxation requires an equal sacrifice from all ( 5256 ) , and that , consequently , not only income , but wants , should be considered ( 5223 ) . He proposes to tax what a man may be fairly supposed to spend on himself out of a given income , and exempt the rest ( 5283 ); and he would further exempt some such amount as 50 / . per annum , on account of necessaries , which should not be taxed ( 5258 ) .
It is difficult to see how Mr . Mill arrives at his principle that taxation should require an equal sacrifice from all , except by a kind of inversion of the vague and insufficient maxim , that Government should act for the equal happiness of all ; and so , anything which it docs subtractively to that happiness , ought to be to the cqunl disadvantage of all . Tin ' s is based on the principle that Government has the right , to some extent , to look into the happiness of ouch person , and the means by which he may choose to promote it . If this principle be traced to its consequences , we believe it will always be found to issue in a despotism bureaucratic and French , if not monarchical—a despotism none the better if it happen to be constitutional in its form and paternal in its designation .
But how is taxation to be so regulated as to make it iin equal sacrifice for all ? One man has six children , and \ 00 l . per annum ; his quiet temperament and orderly habits would not permit 10 / . per annum to break his peace . His neighbour lias 500 / . a year , a spendthrift son , and a horrible temper . Five pounds a Year would be just so much added to his debts , and a wore trial of his patience . Mr . Mill does not propose any plans by which the seemingly impracticable standard of " equal sacrifice" can be made available .
« lr . Mill , however , may mean by the term , that equal pecuniary sacrifice which might be said to result from temporary incomes being untaxed for the amount requisite to accumulate the means of affording an income e qual to the remainder on the termination of the period of enjoyment . This , if practicable , would put them on an equal footing with permanent incomes , and f ; " perhaps the sacrifice bo said to be equal to each kind . Hut . here , again , equality us to the effect on the owners
impossible One income is for life , another for a ii'rin o ( years , another during the pleasure or prosperity <> i employers , another during health and favouring circumstances . Mr . Mill gue . sses the fair proportion of ( ''"ininal » l <> uniform incomes to be f . ixed at three'" inlhs , professional incomes at one half , while those ' ' om land and other permanent sources are taken at lll ( 'iMull . n ,, fc |] 10 necessity <> f guess in the very first s ¦* ' !• "i the application of a , great , principle , is not very " . ssuriiio- ils ( , „ ; js . Homidness .
' » tax so regulated , like any other tax on income , ' ¦' ¦ 'lie fatal objection of not following the proportion 111 wI 'i < "h the tax-payer occasions cost to his fellows . A ¦'" with a , large property , although it yield no income , ^ much requires for the time the protection of the , ' . ' as ' who has an equally large property , and Vls ¦ ' great income from if . lint if he does not lM '" N share of tilt ; cost ,, others must lie unduly bur-< l ( " | ' > pi < V if for him .
)( j . '" «""¦ point we agree , with Mr . Mill . Thut portion , ' , „ ., "" ""¦ ( > " "' which is saved is twice taxed if taxed as II . ' ' ' ' 't . is first , faxed directly as income , and ) i ' 1 ' ' '" directl y , to ( . he same extent , really , by the lax 4 ,,. - " . "I () UU ! derived from it as invested capital . This j K 'null , seems inherent in Mir nature of an income W > ' ' '¦' n '"''' ' ° '"' P ' nted from it , by any contrivance . ' U | 'l show hereafter bow another ' princip le , of faxa'"» ' > avoitls if .
laxi ' . r I'iniHelf virtuall y admits the principle ol lai-T ! | V ! IM 1 ( ' <> f tbo property when lie advocates a land ' "" ° " Hl 1 ( Vt ( SHmMH . »» d ( 5-i . lil ) nays be would tax 1 "Niiiiy other saleable property . lie adds , » What-, | u * ' " - vic-tl I would levy on the saleable valut ! ; ,,,, | , 1 (! |> ' estimating dilferent kinds of property l )(! '''' lerent , but what it would m-11 for I would
tax . " He seems to have been led away from the obvious justice and practicability of the same principle in reference to annual taxation , by not observing that income is no test of the value of the property protected , nor of the cost of protecting it , nor even of enjoyment or sacrifice . Our position then being , that property , not income , is the true object of taxation , we set aside all questions and differences as to particular modes of taxing income . To us those questions seem to lead to false conclusions or to none ; and if income is not to be taxed at all , it is of little use to follow out the several opinions as to the mode of taxrno- it .
Nevertheless , the evidence is in some points worthy of remark . Every officer of Government attests the difficulty of assessing the income tax , and the vast extent of evasion . Every theorist who starts on the basis of an income-tax , differs from every other as to the expediency and even the justice of diflerent modes of assessment . Every one has a plan ; but every plan is so full of difficulties and exceptions , as to lead to the strongest suspicion that not one of them has that characteristic of truth which is found in remaining consistent with all other truth . Incomplete and ill understood , if not absolutely untrue , seems every one of the plans the Committee had before it , the existing system included .
In these debates , extraneous to our views , there is only one point in which we feel any interest . If an income tax is to exist , we trust it will be freed of the error by which all incomes are taxed alike . It has taken some trouble to disentangle the sophistries by which this harsh and uneven equality has been suggested and defended . An income which may terminate in an hour by accident , or by the revulsion of the overwrought power which earned it , has been said to be as
good , while it lasts , as the income from acres or consols , and that it pays only while it lasts . But it is not income purely . It is , in part , a return of that capital of life and strength , and of instruction and experience , which will be eventually all rendered up sooner or later , the wasting source of these annual drafts of life coined into income . We have no interest in further pursuing this fallacy than to remark , that the system which could so lmifr have sheltered it must be itself fallacious .
We revert now to our own plan , deferring for the present that part of it which consists in u personal tax . Our chief , if needful our sole , item of taxation is a uniform tax on all visible and tangible property , levied on the actual possessor for the time . We omit from the assessment all rights not accompanied by actual possession of their tangible object ; for tfieso rights , in all cases where they are true and realizable , are only representatives of property hold by others , and already taxed in their hands . Where the
property they should represent has been lost or destroyed , there is nothing left for the Government to protect . Where these rights affect the products of future industry they will be taxed when they come to fruition . lint , there is nothing at present fo protect , or even to litigate , excep t , where the claim has some security on actual properly , or applies itself , with more or less of legal form and stringency , to sonic actual property already taxed . Omitting , then , the direct assessment of these rights , we would leave ! the several parties interested to adjust among themselves I . he ultimate incidence of the tax , as they do < hat of insurance , or of any oilier expense- attending the property . On this point an instructive case occurred in New York . Iveal properly was taxed under one set , of regulations ; personal property under another . Land , which hail already been faxed as land , paid tax again on ils mortgage : for the mortgage was taxed as personal property without , diminution of the original tax . This was complained of , and remedied . lint tin > ease , which seemed lo be special , is in fact generic ; and all debts and other intangible rights are , like mortgages , subtractions from the value of some material properly , more or less distinctly defined and appropriated , which if once faxed as properly is not . justly to be taxed again in the bands of the incunihranccr . It , has been objected to iflnx on capital , that it alleel . s the source , no ( , the fruit . lint a tax / iro / ior / im / rc / to the capital is not . necessarily a . lax paid oal ^/' capital . If the expenses of . the whole community be greater than ( ho annual profit , of I he whole community , the country i , s clearly not worth protecting ; if they be less , Ilit-n taxes are paid out of prolits all , houg h they be proportioned to capital . We have not , space to show , as it might bo shown , that , under the conditions implied in 1 . 1 ns discussion , luxation never can pormaiicnl . ly exceed the profits ; anil that fo suppose i | , to do so , necessarily supposes also another state of sociH y one of an exaggerated Kasforn type . Individual cases must be determined by individual judgment . If ( , nian have a concern whose profit is less than the tax on if , let him iiwL'c for himself whether it . is worth
continuing , just as he would if the question were one of insurance instead of tax . We shall have occasion hereafter to show that the taxation of England , although one-half of it is not for current expenses , is less than even our annual savings after the tax is paid . " But , " says an objector , " a man may thus have a large income , and pay no tax . " Let him , then , have 1000 / . per annum , spending one half and saving the other . Every article he consumes by means of his expenditure has paid its tax , as property , during the whole term of its existence , or of its being under the protection of our Government , and he pays the tax in its price . As soon as he has consumed it , there is an
end of the duty and at the same time of the expense of the state in respect of it . What he will next consume will equally have paid its tax , and he will equally repay it . Trace his loaf , his sugar , or his coat , to their origin , and it will be found that for so much as he may have spent in the year , he will have paid an exactly proportionate tax . The 500 / . per annum which he saves can escape taxation only by being locked up in the shape of coin , to the loss of " all the interest . Whether he employ it himself , or lend it himself , or entrust it to the responsible agency of a banker , it is profitless and almost worthless , unless employed as working capital , that is , property ; and as property it is taxed .
Whether , then , a man save or spend , he is equally , certainly , and proportionately taxed : and if it be desired to tax income , there is no way in which it can be so certainly reached and so equitably assessed as by a tax on property ; but here he is taxed only once , whether he save or spend ; not , as by the income-tax , twice on that he saves . It is true that as to income such a tax is indirect ; but so a just tax must be ; for the direct relation of
the Government is with property , not income . But even as an indirect tax on income , it has this advantage , that being distributed over all articles and all modes of action alike , it leaves choice of the disposal of income wholly unaffected and free . Moreover , being laid where the actual cost to the Government occurs , where it can be most safely and accurately assessed , and where it can be least easily evaded , it carries with it the least possible aggravation of its amount which the nature of thi ! ensn admits .
Whether , then , we consider taxation in that primary and essential character which results from the direct relation of Government to property , or in the secondary and incidental one of its effects on income ( deemed by some , erroneously we think , its first and most important aspect ) , a uniform tax on fungible property alone , seems to us to conform closely to the requisitions alike of good policy and justice . We shall have to resume some of these considerations when we come to treat of assessment and collection .
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'lino n : run . Wk see an authorized contradiction in the I'hnr . t of a statement ; ( hat Messrs . . Jay and Co . had an interest in ( ho Oxford mid Birmingham Railway , recently opened with ho signal an aecideiil . I'Yoin the connexion of I lie naino of "Jay" wil . h thi ! great , mourn ' uxj establishment , in Regent-. street , it . was very natural ( o suppose that , that , ciniitont ; firm should take nn inleresl , in an v new railway . I fc appears , however , flint , tho Mr . « Jny , whose interest , in tho Oxford and Jiiniiingliani . Railway is contradicted , is a contractor for the execution ol" works : who would , no doubt , lie nnxioiiH to repudiate ( he particular connexion . Tho conlradict ion , therefore , does not nlVei't the beneficial inleresl , which Messrs . . ) ay nnd (!<> ., of Regent-street , must have in that line , as well as in so lnivuy other railways .
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October 16 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER . 995
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NOTU'KH TO COUKKHl'O . MMOVrS . \\ V , lir ;; 11 > > - ; 111 I he al trill ion of our Hath (' i > rrt'S |> imtliMit on I ho " Monilily of Woman ' s l \ i ;; lil : i" lo our nilo ; ih to Ilio ]> rintttn > 'i > nniiuiii < ' : il ion of ( Ik- urili-r ' s mono .
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<< l ( i ; . \ l' I MM ' STK IAIi Kx II 1 UITION <) I ' lliKl . AND . 'I'lit ! Lord I / teulenanf of Ireland has received a , deputid ion from the ( Committee of the Great , Industrial Inhibition of IHoIi , to present n resolution , requesting him to represent fo I lie Queen the pride if would afford her Irish subjects if i-. lic would entru . il , to the Kxeeulive Management oftlw Great inhibition of IH . »;{ some of thi ! articles which she was pleased to exhibit in 1851 . Lord I < 4 > linl , on promised lo forward the resolution to the Queen , mid lo exert , bis own inlluence to obtain compliance , with the request ; and he added , that , " nothing should be wanting on his part to niako l . ht ! inhibition worthy of the country in all respects . " His Kxeelleney then inl . imn . led l , o I ho gentlemen proson ! , his desire lo visit the building during its course , of construction , anil it was at . once arranged that ho should be present on the occasion of the raising of tho first pillar , which is expected to fnke place in somo ton or twelve days from this date ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 16, 1852, page 995, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1956/page/15/
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