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    into a principle of government , and for parodying the Empire as it burlesques the Republic P Enjoying , as we have done , and as we hope still to do , the confidence of those Republicans who spoke for their nation nationally , we cannot sufficiently express the indignation which we have experienced , in seeing the true Republic sink between the spectre rouge and that red-handed despotism which rose up to contend for possession of the national soil with that red spectre .

    The distinction between the Moderate Republicans and the Real Republicans was , that the latter had positive ideas and positive intentions , the Moderates negative ideas and trimming intentions . Permitted to act for a time in the name of the Republicans , the Moderates acquired the opportunity of betraying their party and their nation .

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    THE CHANCELLOR SCANDAL AT OXFORD . In the antechamber of death the voice of wrangling sounds harshly . The survivors are sweeping up the succession , and sorrow makes room for intrigue ; a family swindle is being accomplished over the body of the beloved testator , scarcely cold . The following paragraph appeared in the Tithes of Monday last , under the head of " University Intelligence : "— " Oxfoed , Oct . 2 . " The EiascTiosr of Chancelloe . "A Convocation will be holden on Tuesday , the 12 th inst ., at twelve o'clock , for the election of the Chancellor of the University , in consequence of the lamented decease of his Grace Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington . "F . C . PLtrMPTEE , Vice-Chancellor . " As this notice is of a nature to amaze many who , never having been initiated into the ethics of the University Convocation , have some regard for the common decencies of common men , we desire to lay before our readers an exact , unadorned recital of the proceedings to which it relates .

    Almost before the breath was out of the Duke ' s body ; before the entire nation was aware of the national loss , Oxford was astir in college and hall , and secret conclave , to discount a death so opportune for party purposes , and to surprise the good faith of the absent into compliance with the insolent dictation of a knot of magnates . The contest that occurred in July , when it was attempted to oust Mr . Grindstone , had occasioned the subject of a new Chancellor to be talked of even when the

    Duke ' s death was still considered a distant event . The names in especial favour were the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Harrowby . Lord Ellesmere would have been preferred by a certain number , but his actual supporters were too few . to make his candidateship serious . The 6 lite of the University , in learning , character , and position , were mainly for the Duke of Newcastle , believing him to be the strongest man for difficult times , and as a liberally conservative politician , a consistent advocate of that wise and

    temperate University reform which all but a few impracticable bigots know to be instant and inevitable . Now , we spoke of the opportuneness of the Duke ' s death for the operations of the impracticubles . In the depth of the long vacation , when all the life , and mind , and movement of Oxford was scattered abroad over the face of the earth in search of ideas and adventures , and only a few dignitaries of that venerable council ,

    composed of heads of houses , and known as the Hebdomadal Board , were left to fossilize at home , nothing wiis easier or more congenial to canonical Toryism than to put up Lords Derby , 'lie Tory Premier and dispenser of boos and deaneries . There was scarcel y a man of enorgy wid independence to opposo this indecent dictation . () no , indeed , Mr . Sewell , the- liberal and 'K'coinplishcd high-churchman , was at hand to vindicate the bettor hoiibo of better men .

    Meet"igH wore hold under hit ) auspices , and ho general wan tho inclination to support the Duke of Newcastle , thai a deputation was sent to Clumber to uncertain his wishes . On tho very day tho deputation was despatched a now visitor appeared <> n tho scone—no less a personage than Samuel , IJishop of Oxford . This eminent courtier , the typo of an Anglican xnitro adapted to tho ninoteenth century , half earnest dilettantism , half deprecatory compromise , hud been advised of what wub doing by § omo men whom he was

    ordaining . No time was to be lost . He was well aware that of the few true men then in Oxford some of the more influential were his own clergy , to whom , while he professed to speak as an academieus , his words would really be those of their Bishop . Last Monday week , then , escorted by two chaplains , he appeared at a small meeting held at Oriel , and with his blandest and suavest accents of persuasion he cautioned the Church <

    which was far dearer to him even than his dearest friend , not to offend the Earl of Derby , and he confessed that the clergy unhappily were Protectionists . So he counselled them to avoid splitting their party , and then and there to decide all for the Earl of Derby . Such were the tactics and such the eloquence of Samuel Oxon in the absence of the man of all others most fitted to cope with this courtier Bishop of the Church acquiescent . The effect was at once to dissolve the

    High Church feeling for the Duke of Newcastle , and to throw several names into the Derby ranks . That same evening an active man of the High Church party , conversant with the poll-book , arrived in Oxford , disposed to the Duke of Newcastle , but timorous . He heard of the Bishop ' s advent and advice , doubted , and decided to follow the Bishop into the ranks of Derby . Now came in the more political High Churchmen , and in two days most of the leaders of sections were

    gained . The ' list had run up to six hundred names , and the leading advocates of the Duke of Newcastle would give small support to the few who were ready to venture even a hopeless contest , if only as a protest against the lamentable committal of the University to Downing-street . It is clear that the inopportune season , and the short period ( not a month ) before Term , for the election , have made Lord Derby's chance a certainty . In Term the candidates would have been warmly discussed , and would have started

    fair . It is not too much to say that the Duke of Newcastle would have had the better chance . The University would certainly have been with him , though perhaps the country parsondom would have rushed to the banners of the Protectionist Premier . Certain it is that all the soundest and truest portion of the University prefer , and confess to prefer , the Duke of Newcastle ; and they scout the absurdity of Derby being a " High Churchman , " as they do the unworthy pretext of conciliating his good graces to the

    Church . Now it is , of course , too late for any force of public opinion , brought to bear from without on this gross scandal , to affect the result of an election , which is fixed for a day , of all others the most convenient for its secure perpetration ; for , as a correspondent of the Daily News very truly says , it is never so difficult to bring men up to the University as within a few days of term , when it is too soon to come up , and too late to go back again . But we cannot let slip the occasion of

    moralizing the truth and spirit of the scandal . It throws a sudden glare of light on the obstinato tendencies of that obsolete House of Heads who monopolize the government of the University . For our own part wo do not regret this scandal ; no , not oven as wishing Oxford well . We believe that what has happened is for the best , and that it ia well that this spectacle of an unopposed election of tho Lord of Downing-stroet should bo

    given to the world . Wo find High Church ( with the exception of a very few men of exceptional conscience ) allied with Low Church on the common ground of hostility to reform . Who would be the strongest antagonist to the University Commission was their only thought . Tho literary litnoss of the man , or his power and inclination to attend to University matters , was nothing . Political and theological considemtions did tho rest .

    But tho saddest fact connected with thfs business—and it is a fact , not hearsay—is , that in the vory front of tho Oxford Derbyiten , not drawn into the intrigue by persuasion , but ostentatiously taking up their position , we find the Bishop of Exotor ami Mr . Archdeacon Donison . Having advocated the right of tho Church to convocation , becauso wo boliove it is a right , wo are pained to rioo men whom wo held to be consistent , and devoted to their principles , thus nollinp their birth * ri g ht fora moss of pottage . Tho Bishop and his ally have leaped into the arniH of KrastianiHm at the first , temptation .

    Tho State Dalilah , itnoeins , had only to simper and they were caught . Lord Derby modified tho management clauses ; and George Anthony

    Denison , no longer staunch and bifave , forgot ux one moment his high principles—forgot his love for the Church—forgot his really noble position , and fell headlong into the snare . With what face can he now demand from Lord Derby the right of the Church to manage her own affairs r With what face can he any longer assert that the House of Commons is not a fit body to enact laws for the Church , when he has championed the Apostle of Compromise P

    But not only in this Oxford business has he , who seemed the Bayard of his party , forgotten the safeguards of that party . Was it as churchman or as layman that Mr . Denison hoisted the flags of Miles and Knatchbull on the tower of East Brent ; accompanied voters to the poll , and stood by while they voted—careful lest one should stray to the advocate of Church principles , Arthur Hallam Elton * We have fought on behalf of the Church , because we believed that at last

    there was a party among her professed servants who were resolved to be true and take the consequences . Were we deceived ? Is honesty among a priesthood impossible ? It would seem so ; and as far as our humble , but single-hearted efforts are concerned , it will take but a few more exhibitions like those at East Brent and Oxford to make us give up the advocacy' , and conclude that honest , consistent conduct in regard to the carrying out of what are called Church principles , is a moral impossibility for Churchmen .

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    A " WARNING" FROM SHOE LANE . We are " warned ; " not by a French prefect , certainly , but by some one high in the confidence of M . de Persigny—a counsellor of the Morning Herald , and of Lord Malmesbury . He signs himself , " John Bull Slick ; " and to him the columns of the ministerial journal are always open . We treat the matter seriously ; for here is an organ of the Government printing a direct appeal to the cowardice of the British nation ; and warning" us , one and all , to adore M . Bonaparteor else

    , Bombastes Slick says : "Now , mark my words ; Louis Napoleon will be Emperor of the French before Christmas ; " and he proceeds to tell us how the imperial crown will be obtained . " He will put the question to the people to vote on it by ballot , and he will be elected Emperor by eight millions . " This is definite information ; and shows that the writer is in the secret—an accessory before the fact—a proof before the letter .

    Not satisfied with announcing the portentous change , he gives us his view of the reason for it : " The French nation wishes for order , aud for the security of life and property ; " which Bombastes thinks they will get from tho author of the massacres of December , and of the decrees confiscating the Orleans property ; the French nation preferring to live under the " despotism of one man , " hither than be " plundered and massacred by the blood-tliirsty Socialists , " who , by the way , did not confiscate any property , and who abolished death punishment . " Barring assassination , " continues tho ministerial ally , " tho French hoc tho prospect of

    stability for a time , " as " clearly , the time is not yet come for the restoration of the Bourbons , " defined as " the legitimate chief , Henry Cinq . " This in pretty plain reading . But B . Slick , mounting upon the high horse , describes at a gallop the wonderful works of M . Bonaparte Wo thought wo were prosperous ; but evidently Franco is the land of felicity . " Tho railway system has received an impetus unoxamplcd , quite astonishing . Tho improvements in Paris arc wonderful ; no city will be able to compote with it : now Htroetn , new bridges , tho Houlevards and

    quays niacadamined ; tlle octroi rod need ; fifty millions ol' francs borrowed by tho L ' rovinional ( Jovorunii'iifc ironi the Hank ol" France paid oil' ; the palaces restored and beautified ; funds high , and tho Hoiih do Tresor rising ; besides which | and hero i . s the sting for us ; here are the rousoiiH why we should fall down before M . ] Joiuipart () | u powerful steam-Meet is buildingwhat its future emp loyment may be is a very serious question . [ ns « uro you Hritislmrs it is high time you Hot your national defences in order , as the Duke of Wellington told you . It is imj > osBiblo to ibretol what step the new Kinporor may be compelled to take , in order to manure that Colossus , tho French army—a dashing , enterprising set of men , ready for uuything , and who must bo employed . " Putting on tho tragic airs of a Cassandra

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    r i OCTOSE * 9 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER . 9 Q 1

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 9, 1852, page 967, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1955/page/11/