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A 2 Ipswich—Maria Stewart , for wilful murder of her female child ; acquitted . Aug . 3—Bodmin—Mr . Baron Platt , in charging tbe ^ jrrand jury , observed , in the course of his address , that there was one case where a young woman was charged with the heinous offence of destroying her own oflspring ; and if they ( the grand" jury ) should be of opinion that a bill ought to be found , and if the petty jury should find a verdict of guilty against her , it would be necessary , for the putting down of this dreadful crime , to make an example . At the same time they must take care that they were right in what they were about , and see that a person was not convicted unless the crime was brought home by clear and substantial evidence .
Aug . 4—Maria Chitty , tried for the wilful murder of her child , aged seven , by beating out its brains ; acquitted—insanity . AUg . 6 __ Carlisle—Eleanor Pattison , for the wilful murder of her child ; acquitted . Aug . 9—Well ?;—rMary Amory , for the wilful murder of her illegitimate child ; acquitted- —insanity . Aug . 13—Ellen Roberts ( Chester ) , for the murder of her illegitimate child ; seven years' transportation . Aug . 19—Liverpool—Alice Shaw , for having killed and murdered her new-born female child ; not guilty . ( Same day)—Selina Mooney found guilty of concealing birth , after being charged with murder ; sentenced to six months' imprisonment .
For the large proportion of acquittals , the Morning Chronicle accounts by the fact , that it is very difficult to procure positive evidence in support of this crime ; and also by the fact , that juries , instead of restricting themselves ta the simple questions before them , take regard to consequences , and withhold a verdict of guilty because they will not condemn the prisoner to death . It is , we are convinced , most proper , both in humanity , in rigid justice ,-. aye , and in strict logic , to-withhold-a verdict of guilty where life and death are at stake ; excepting upon . that positive and logical proof , which is in such cases nearly impossible . There are other crimes , as
the Chronicle says , for which juries will ndt convict ; but when our contemporary infers from that fact , that it may be more pertinent to enquire whether it would not be better to revise the system , of trial by jury itself than to remodel the law on infanticide , the . suggestion is tantamount to a confession that the perplexity is too great to be solved , except by , a violent inroad on our constitutional guarantees . There are many ] jmpier , fections intfre working pf the trial fry j ; ury ; ,-, font to give it up would be to , give up tb . e great practical guarantee for political and individual freedom . A proposition of that kind therefor © we may dismiss as beside the question .
There is , however , a much deeper question involved in this inquiry of the Morning Chroniole , When infanticide , to say nothing of the othep vices , is growing to be a national characteristic , we have tangible proof that there is some fatal flaw in our social system . The dilemma is formidable , but not very complicated : either the people is thoroughly depraved in understanding and heart—which is a supposition that wo aro nob at present prepared to admit ; or a people not thoroughly depraved in mind and heart is driven to such straits that it violates the strongest natural instinct—that of the mother to preserve her child . And that is the fact . No sooner do wo
come upon this bare rock of fact than we pcrcoivQ how the question branches out into otliorH . At tho root lies inexorable poverty ; which is almost invariably the one cause that compels tho mother to her unnatural crime . If wo had a sound poorlaw—by which every able bodied person might have access to reproductive employment- —wo should hoar little of infanticide . Let us but tf lanee at that branch of tho Bubject , without Pursuing it at present .
Anothor cause of the compulsion to munlor is Hiiamo . By tho moral code of the day in English Hoeiet , y , a shame more agonizing to enduro is felt m the birth of a child without tho previous eerottiony of marriage , than in that violation of natural Jaw by which tho mother , destroys her own oif-Hpring ! Jieljgion has so little done its work ; , that ' <> conceal her misdemeanour from tho Bight of jnnu , tho mother will violate tho lawn of nature , tho decencies of her . own soul , in tho sight of God . " <> touches tho national faith , in every Hohool whore tliut faith in taught ; and yet tho teachers ° i that truth will not carry it homo to tho oars ftnd hearts of those who constitute their charge , unless they , the hearera of the truth , aro duly paid for it in current coin of tho realm * Gtod
have mercy upon the soul that cannot pay its pew rent . We do not stop now to " suggest a remedy , " as cant requires us to do , when we " point out a fault . " The first thing for us to do in all such cases , is gravely , simply , and candidly , to admit the existence of the fault . And here , in the presence of these twenty-six culprits arraigned before the national tribunals for Violating one of the first laws of nature—women , we have supposed , not thoroughly depraved in mind or heart—we see it declared to the world that our social system , ingeniously pretending to keep down crime , to check vice , positively acts as an impulse to the one , and literally creates the other .
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SOCIALISM AND ITS NEWEST TRADTJCER . When a public writer undertakes to make explanations and distinctions for the profit of his readers , he is especially bound , if not to attain accuracy , at all events to seek it ; but a writer in the Daily News , whether from incomplete acquaintance with his subject , or from inadvertence , seems to scout accuracy as a superfluity or an obstruction to his pen . With the first part of his explanation , indeed , we are little disposed to quarrel ; indeed , we cordially adopt the sharp line of distinction he has marked out to sever
that body of econom ical doctrine , comprised under the general term " Socialism , " from those violent and subversive theories ( if theories they deserve to be called ) of professed political revolutionists and destructive demagogues , for with which fear , bad faith ; and ignorance have combined to render it responsible . Endeavouring to disprove the assertion of M . Louis Bonaparte , that lie had crushed " Bed EejyuhlicamBmandSociali&m , " synonymous in official mouths with disorder and pillage , in Prance , ( an assertion wnich Emile de Girardin so triumphantly refuted last week as to cut the ground from under the feet of the Saviour of Society , )
the Daily News objects , with shrewdness and good sense , that the Bonapartists in France always speak of those two things , " with a convenient vagueness , " as the same ; and the English writer proceeds to discriminate and correct . " Bed Republicans , " we are told , " those unreasoning blunderers who always appeal to arms , and to arms alone . Their only idea , their only mission , ia destroying' by brute fdrce what * ever -exists , ' or 'Whatever ¦ has - incurred' thefr enmity . > ' f * ( such ! ttian there' la only ode way of dealing 1 . * Inaccessible ^ to Ar gument , they must ; of necessity be encountered with-their own weapons . Brute force can only be put down by force animated and directed by reason . "
This may not be a very cloBe description of the political sect whose origin is too recent to have escaped the memory of all writers ;' but we are not theCless disposed " 66 accept the conclusion . A more exact description ot " Red Republicans , " setting aside the odious associations which the name suggests , would be , that they were so called from hoisting a red flag , which ( according to their own creed ) was intended to signify , that they would seek to defend " the Republic" even at the cost of blood , in contradistinction to the peaceful revolutionists of J uly , 1830 , who had so done their work by halves , that , after eighteen
years , it had to be done over again ; and to the " Moderate" Republicans of February , who had temporised with tlie Reaction , until a crouching phuntom of treacherous compliance hud become an amalgamated Party of Order , avenging panic by persecution . We aro hero describing tho " Red" Republicans , us they describe themselves in their more reasonable und discreet moments . We puss by without comment tho fundamental folly of making " tho Republic" a standard of patriotism , an empty name , without tho virtues it demands , und tho liberties it is supposed to iniurantco—a form of governmontwhioh in Franco
Iiuh never yet been dominant , but as a revolutionary dictatorship , under which freodom wus a bye word and . citizenship a curse . Tlmro i «/ however , lot it bo avowed , another " Red ! ' Republic * to which wo may suppose ouir contemporary heroi alludes . That Rod Republic is . an , odious , a Haunter , a fatal ' anachronism : it in tho impotent plagiarism of a gang of demagogues , who neck to cloak their isolation in turbulence , and their barrenness of thought in revolutionary t " argon . Lamurtine , in the noblest moment of lib lifV , covered that ilag with shame , aad swept back into tho foul kennels of crimo the scum that had polluted for a moment tho pure air of
freedom . It is not , we rejoice to aflirm most emphatically , in the columns of the Leader that the " Red" Republic will find a syllable of faint excuse or sympathy . We heartily abhor and despise all that it worships and exalts ; its personnel , its symbols , its traditions , its organization ; its contemptible consecration of sansculottism , its deification of monsters like Marat , its envy of all true dignity of mind , its corrupt and greedy discontent , its cowardly hankering after terrorism , its stale vocabulary , and its coarse and barren formulaft We eagerly snatch this occasion to tell
our extreme political friends that as English writers , breathing English air , the present conductors of the Leader have no part nor lot with " Red" Republics ; and this , not that we hate despotism less , but that we love freedom and civilization more . It is often painful to us to find our native English tongue sullied by the mischievous slang of foreign demagogues . In Eranceritis true , these " Reds" are a miserable minority , and in England they are at most a dozen or two of stage-struck Spartans ; but it is welL to denounce the excesses from which
liberty now suffers all Europe over ; it is well to separate the cause , which we believe to be a good and a true one , from the contagion of a disastrous alliance . True , there are " Red" Monarchies as well as " Red" Republics . Absolutists , Bonapartists , Royalists ot all kinds , and indeed Moderate Republicans , have not been more scrupulous on the score of shedding blood than the Red Republicans : witness the slaughters of June , of the 2 nd of December , in Hungary , and in Italy , at Brescia > Naples , Berlin . True
it is , that the Democracy was everywhere clement , when everywhere triumphant : may it not be feared that when the next deluge shall come , the , uproused people will believe the men who say that bloodless revolutions are failures , and who point to the dungeons and the scaffolds by which kings have requited the forbearance so many of them received at the hands of tbose same RedRepublicans ? But let that pass . For our part , we believe that in repudiating and denouncing terrorism , who or whatever the perpetrator ( as we said last week ) may be—whether professed revolutionists Or professed " Saviours of
Society , " Marats or Louis Bonapartes—we do but express the sound-hearted and intense conviction of nine-tenths of the English people . Our contemporary , in ; distinguishing Socialism from Red Republicanism , d 6 es wen , and deserves our thanks . It is the periidious conjunction of the two by tho Saviours of Society which has thrown dust in the eyes of the great inert mass of the public , who do not judge for themselves , and who are ready to bo scared at any bugbear . How often shall wo repeat that Socialism is essentially an ideal revolution , an intellectual and morul doctrine , an industrial and
economical problem ; that it has no more to do with political revolutionists than any other phase of economical science P The conservative politician , tho orthodox churchman , may quite as reasonably and properly be Socialists as the democrat in politics und tho free-thinker in religion : und there is no more reason why the latter should bo , than that tho former should nut be Socialists . In
this country it is well known that many of tho most orthodox of our clergymen , and many of tho most tory of our politicians , are Socialists in . all but tho name ; and tlio name they abjure jih " revolutionary . " So far from Socialism being destructive , it is in tho strictest sense conservative , since its operation tends to universalize the " something to conserve ; " till , as Lear says" distribution shall undo excess , And eiich mini have enough . " Ill socking to abolish pauperism , Socialism eonservatizes ( if we may so nay ) the now " dangerous" classes . Whether it take the form of co-operative self-employment , or of mutual us-Huraneo universalized , it in equally harmless and equally sound . But when it is considered as the attempt to reconcile the laws of society , which in tho work of man , with the laws of Immunity , which is tho work of God , th ' on Socialism , in its largeit acceptation , an u grand peaceful transformer / way bo held worthy of the respect , of tho Statesman , " the Philosopher , and iho Priest . The writer of theso lines has seen revolutions and revolutionists too closely not to desire to clour the ouuso of social amelioration from a fatal contact j und ifc ia due to the Leader , and to tho caiwo for which , wo etrivo agoirut that .
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September 11 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER . 873
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 11, 1852, page 873, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1951/page/13/
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