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Leader (1850-1860), 19th June 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 589, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      NOTES FOB THE ELECTIONS . II . NEW POLICY FOB THE PEOPLE . The coining elections might bo turned to some permanent account , if some definite notions of political action could bo agreed upon by those who seek political reform . Tho people are instructed as to principle , to a great extent , but they are impotent because they ore divided . It is necessary to unite them on broad grounds . To do this the sacrifice of opinion is needful . It is idle to Buy they must put aside " minor differences . " The differences are not minor . They are profound , and it will prove a mistake to underrate them . Great sacrifices of opinion aro needed , and tho sooner they are asked for openly and plainly tho bettor . A habit baa grown up of calling those " minor differences of opinion " which wo happen not to care about—but they are mutters of conscience to others , and not to recognise thorn ns such , in to outrage othoi-s in tho name of conciliation . This is not tho wny to bring about unity .

      % way of illustrating the question of tho present , lot us take the case of tho oxtonsion of tho Suffrage , that being best understood by the majority of the people Tho old mode of forming associations to carry that point is evidently worn out . Unity on that question in , on tho popular dootrino , impossible If wo except tho National and Parliamentary Financial Reform Association , you cannot assemble in tho metropolis ) , nor m any town in tho ompire , one hundred men , capable of Haying what they mean , and of meaning what they f " ly who can agreo on any programmo of popular reform

      . There aro plonty of able men , but they avo men ° / ' " tinoomproniiBing principle . " Everybody will go jw ovorythirig , and tho result in , that tho " mnsa" go Jor nothing . Homo aro waiting for tho " Coming Man . " ¦ That man will never " come "—ho will bo invented ^ vhon thoro is anything for him to do . Leadership wise or unwise $ h out of tho question . Tho authority of «¦ man has boon exploded , and wo have no Intelligent political obedience substituted in its place . Your old ttudiciU was your model of ft Reformer , he exploded **»>« and < ftyAttogeth « ft

      You go into a public meeting , and you find the great Swaggles upon the platform , Swaggles is an " independent" man . He belongs to no party . He is led by nobody . Everybody " truckles to expediency "everybody is " dishonest" except Swaggles . But the crowning virtue of Swaggles is > that he trusts nobody . He is under the delusion , that the eye of the Government , and the eye of the Press are constantly upon him . He is the great terror of Downing Street , whose doings he is always exposing . The " Manchester School " sleeps with one eye open in order to watch Swaggles . The middle class are always trying to catch him in their net . He is the subject of a universal conspiracy . If he receives a parcel which was despatched

      untied-Colonel Mayhe lias taken the string Off . If a letter is posted to him unpaid , the Chancellor of the Exchequer has abstracted the stamp for his private use . If he cannot unfasten his window-shutter in the morning , he concludes that no less an enemy than Lord John Bussell has been round and scotched it . Swaggles , in fine , is the type of political distrust , and as suspicion is ever infectious , his whole party have caught the disease . This man is no exaggeration . Among the people who most need it there is no trust . Rulers know this very well . They may resolve upon what they please—there will be no " people ' s party , " either in the House of Commons , or out of it , for some time to come , capable of disturbing their conclusions .

      The policy of the future which may result in combined action , will probably have theseleading features : — I . Associations will arise out of personal grdups , who have the capacity of a common purpose , and of political obedience to UV II . The groups will be pledged individually to act in concert with all who seek similar objects—withoutwhich pledge no union at the present day is worth anything . III . These Local Societies will hold themselves free and ready to act with , or ally themselves to the strongest party , whenever and wherever such party ' shall appear .

      Suppose three or four intelligent persons thought it worth their while to seek an Extension of the Suffrage . They would ally themselves to some existing association near them . If none exist , their business would be to induce the most likely persons in their locality , who had influence and capacity , to take the lead in forming one . If none can be found , let them agree " among themselves to form a Home Suffrage Committee—or by any intelligible name , neither repulsive , pretending , or worn out . At present there la great prejudice in favour of names which everybody detests . The objects might be set forth as follows : —

      I . The Extension of tbe Suffrage to all men ( not open to the usual objections of minority , insanity , and crime , ) resident for a reasonable period in any borough , city , or county . The elections to be under the option * of the Ballot , and the Representation to be better apportioned to population . s II . Creating a Registry of such of the Working Class and others ( accessible to this committee ) , who are willing to act in concert with all seeking similar objects .

      Such an extension of the Suffrage as this indicated , is all which is likely to be obtained in the next Reform Bill . Not thinking it well to treat Members of Parliament as children , ( an impertinence they always resent ) the details of this measure are mainly left to their judgment : and those who think wo have nothing to hope from their liberality , will do well to remember , that we shall take littlo by attempted dictation on this head . The measure of Suflrago sought in tho above " object / ' is , indeed , less than many will think it right to ask , but it is also more than many will think it right

      to concede—without whose consent such a measure as this cannot bo peaceably obtained . Thoroforo moderation of demand , at tho popular extreme of society , entitles tho people to tho concessions necessary at tho othor extreme—and prescribes a measure of " practical" justice . ' Objecting to finesse with tho Government , tho supposed committee , of whom wo aro speaking , would ask prcciaoly for what it expects to gdt . Restricting it « solicitation to tho lenst extension that ought to bo conceded , its claims will , probably , bo respectod aa an earnest one , and treated ns a real ono .

      At tho samo time , tho hope would not bo concealed , that tho Parliament elected by Homo Suilrago , would onact Hueh supplementary measures as might bo necessary to perfect a popular constitution , and to bring within tho pnlo of tho franclriHo all eligible persons , not included in a simple Homo Suflrago . Thoro is , perhaps , flomo chanco for thoso boing listonod to who profess nothing but what they boliove , and who ( an Leigh Hunt has Homowhoro said ) " boliovo nothing that tho wiso may disapprove , " and who domand nothing but that which fioeme roaHonublo and practical , —who « cok to build up no Utopian " system , " but to supply an actual want of tho nation , to oflor a uupply within its opportunities and ineana of realization . Thow acquainted with tho perio nj who moke up th «

      bulk of our " popular" meetings , especially the clamorous and obstructive part , know very well that not one in twenty , probably not one in a hundred , is a registered member of any political association . Now it is not too much to expect , that every man who claims political rights publicly , should put upon record , annually , somewhere or other * under some name or other , in connexion With some party or other , his desire , and subscribe some sum , small or large , in testimony that he is willing to be at some personal trouble to attain what he clamours for so loudly .

      Organization is a word not understood by the " people" of this country . Of " discipline , " they have no idea , and no experience . Of these high things , we cannot speak . But the simple act of personal registry may be made an inexorable requirement , and nohody has a right to be listened to in public , who has not performed this first act of a Reformer , who means what he says . Our committee , therefore , proposes to create a Registry of all the working class , —of those , at least , whom it is able to reach , of those who are prepared to give practical proof of their fitness for the exercise of

      the suffrage , by acting in concert ( in a generous spirit of nationality which recognises the interests of the whole people ) with all who go in the same direction . Tired of that " fraternity" which has resulted , hitherto , in violent antagonisms , this committee will respect the independent convictions of those who may feel bound to oppose it ; but , at the . same time , no such respect , nor any favour to friends , however bound to it by past alliances , will debar it from taking the most energetic and direct means to attain full victory for its principles . Yet , however steadfast in the prosecution of its own object , this committee would offer no obstruction to any who seek less or more : but rather encounter the

      suspicions and jealousies which have divided sincere Reformers , by a spirit of generous construction towards others , and of patient relf-reliance in the zeal and conviction of its own members . * If , in the metropolis and in the provinces , those persons having alliances and personal friends , or some public influence , will assemble them together , ' — -that is , as many as can agree to promote objects suchras those now indicated , and in the spirit indicated , and proceed to bring all other accessible individuals to the same way of thinking and acting , Auxiliary associations will

      arise in every place , and the whole of the people who could be relied upon would be registered . It would matter nothing under what various names ( always provided they were sensible ) these committees were known ; they would have a common object , and be animated by one spirit . This is not a scheme for discussion or talk , but for collecting together the existing opinion upon this subject , and organizing it for action . These groups once in operation , they could be summoned for aggregate action , whenever the aggregate expression of their opinion was wanted .

      The National and Parliamentary Reform Association might do this . Sir Joshua Walnisley , Mr . Hume , or Mr . Cobden , were ho so disposed , might , at any time , command the whole of these Associations , which would exist but for action on the Government . Whoever arose and proved himself the ablest general , or whoever could anywhere form a strong party , likely to carry the point with the nation , would have , by preference , tho leadership . As victory always goes with the strongest ,

      ceteris paribits , so tho people ought to bo ready to follow tho strongest party who mean the right thing . Independent centres , with capacity for consentaneous action , is tho want of tho day . Individual movement is energetic and unembarrassed , and it croutos a field for tho Commander to occupy . At present , tho " Coming Man" has nowhither to como to . In this way wo may prepare for organization . Improviso tho matorials—it will soon got direction .

      Animated by nomo doflnlto idea , members of Parliament may be usefully influenced at tho approaching elections . At present , they pay littlo attention to the ' popular demand , " becauso that demand is inarticulate , or gives forth an uncertain sound . Ion .

      Untitled Article

      JJBAUTIES OV THH PttOTBOTIONIST WIUTKItS AND OMATOHS . Loud Jojiw Russeli . is not celebrated for his syntax , but ho is not vulgar in hta phraso , nor of'ton incorrect in his choice of epithets ; ana as a critic , ho sliinoa vvhon Protectionist computation comon under liia satire . It ia delightful to boo tho gusto with which ' hhIcs how , as Lorn Malmosbury supposos , a man may ho " cut down in Ity do Park , by accidentally hunMing a violont soldier . " Admitting that Malmoflbury is easy game , lot us pass to a moro distinguished portion , who eay < f that , for all jiifl oloquonco , Lord Palmorston had only " aggravated tho state of Italy 1 " It it » tho company that dops it : the most accomplished of writers cannot kpop company with MalmoHburiOB , and not contract shocking habits of st y lo . By tho way , tho BUmlard is loarnod and ingenious ; it doionds Lord Borby , whichever way hl « vano points , and extracts Bromines of Protection from Diaraelit wo should like to tec how it could defend MftlmeflburVflirtylo .

      Untitled Article

      THE PLAGUE OF BEANS . ^ jjtrsTicus , " w ^ itin ^ to ^ nnounces a disease in the bean , crop , similar to that which destroyed the potatoes . "A week 20 all was well—to-day acres upon acres are b | ng ploughed up for turnips . " It is a judgment , T * ^ ' * national sins- —that is , for gins committed by ... the nation collectively . Popery-toleration is the first of these sins that occurs to Busticus ; If a partial toleration of Popery draws upon England such inflictions in potatoes and beims * what ought to be the state of agriculture in Catholic Europe P How painful ought to be the health of cabbages under Louis ] Sapoleon ; how harrowing the condition of Spanish onions under Donna . Isabella ; or that of lentils under Donna Maria de Gloria ! Indeed , by this interpretation , farming business ought to he impossible under the Romish clergy ; and profane Protectionists in England might desire nothing better than a continuance of doctrinal error in corn-growing countries , which would be as good as the most stringent corn-laws for us . Another national sin we cannot so confidently deny—" the neglect of social evils . " There are judgments—the inevitable punishment for breaking " thelaws of Nature and of the Grod of Nature ; " and certain breaches of those laws do have a direct effect upon agriculture . The Sanitary Reformers have shown us , that fry the neglect of one social evil- —society consenting to a filthy apathy such as would drive any individual " from society "—we heap life-destroying poison under and around our abodes , and neglect to carry back to the soil tiiat which human life has borrowed from it . It is a double impiety : we obey not , for human life , the _ laws of Nature and of the Grdd of Nature ; and we starve the ground from which we have drawn pur sustenance . The neglected ground is revenged upon ^ us , in poisoned food , Our neglect is a sin , and the consequence ** a judgment . We will not let our poor work , and the poor vex us and multiply : we keep them off the land , and the towns grow vast pest-houses , physical and moral . We keep around us the refuse of human life , natural food of the land , and the land keeps from us the food of human life , giving us filthy refuse where we thought to grow food . If we obey not , we are not strong ; if we minister not , we are not sustained .

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      • free and independent , without fear of surprise , because it would be impossible to surprise or put j ^« m everybody- at a blow .

      Untitled Article

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 19, 1852, page 589, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1940/page/17/