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Leader (1850-1860), 1st May 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 408, Untitled Article

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      • which would U that a surplus of 27 , 000 ? . a ye ^ r y wnld be applicable to the general pwposes . and ynjinfcs of the Church . In the . last place , he proposed that the capitular property , and the episcopal property tmder certain limitations and conditions , not the fee , but the management , should be transferred to and vested in the Ecclesiastical Commissioners . The tone ofL the whole speech was one of quiet but determiiied hostility to pluralities and sinecures in the Church , especially as regarded Chapters .

      Mr . Walpole assented to the introduction of the bill in a tone so cordial as to call up Sir Bohert Inglis , to whom , of course , any attempt to tbiieh the Church was objectionable . Further , he was deeply hurt that the bill should be so good as to receive the support of the Radicals . No one spoke against it , aad after more or less hearty words of approval had fallen from several members , leave was given to bring in the bill . This was followed by a smart debate on

      THE CBYSTAL PALACE , which seems to be doomed to the hammer of the auctioneer . Mr . Heywood moved for the appointment of a Select Committee to consider the preservation of the Crystal palace , or the central portion thereof , with a view to its applicability to purposesof public instruction and recreation . Mr . Kxtme seconded the motion by a speech similar to that he made at Exeter Hall . Colonel Sibthobp and Lord John MiNNEEs opposed

      the motion . The latter , on the part of the Government , insisted that so gross a breach of good faith as the retention of the Crystal Palace would be an evil outweighing all the benefits which could possibly arise from its preservation . Besides , the . building was not fit for the purposes of a permanent structure . Towards the end of his speech , the real animus peeped out— -it is the site , not palace , which is objectionable . Remove it to Battersea Park , andthe Government will lend cordial aid !

      The motion was opposed by Mr . LABorcHEKE , who also ' considered it a question of good faith , and who thought that the expression of public opinion had not been sufficiently general us to relieve the government and Parliament from their pledges . Lord PaImerston contended for inquiry , arid supported the motion , testifying by his speech a warm interest in the retention of the building . Lord Seymour , on the contrary , spoke spitefully and cynically , as is his custom , against Lord Carlisle , the motion , the building , and Sir Joseph

      Paxton . He stood by the pledge , and championed the interests of the house property opposite the building . Mr . Wakijey made the House laugh at th ? Expense of the Government , and Lord Joipr Manndes was so far piqued as to call the good-humoured banter of the not too-refined member for Finsbury , " unmitigated nonsense / ' Mr . Waldey had audaciously said on the pledge question , " This was a pledge for destruction ; but suppose it had been a pledge for protection , would the article ' good faith * then be so worthy of admiration ? " ( " Hear , hear , " and laughter . )

      Mr . Geach , Mr . J . Evans , , Mr . Alcpck , and Sir Robert Peel spoke in favour of the motion , but after all , when the House divided there wore- — For the motion 103 ; Against it 221 . Majority for the destruction of the palace—118 . HOIT 8 E OF LORt > 8 . In the House of Lords on Tuesday , Lord To ^ BlNOton presented a petition from the merchants and traders of London and Westminster , , complaining of the Treasury rnunite with respect to the sale of coffee ipixed with chicory , and entered into , a stateraont of

      the reasons which rendered the rescinding of that minute desirable . The noble lord concluded , by moving that the petition be laid on the tatye . The Duke of Montbose supported the motion . T , ho Earl of Deuby admitted the impprtanco of the petition , a ndI expressed his dissent from the doctrine laid down on the * subject by the late Chancellor of the , Exchequer . Though there might be some difficulty in , rescinding the Treasury minute complained qf , the present flpvernmont would give their best endeavours to . proveftt the spurious mixture of deletorioua article ^ w \ t ) y coffee . Tho petition was then ordered to lio on the table . on

      Lord GBANVliil ^ asked Tuesday whether , , in 4 vuctiona hftd been given to the authorities at Plymouth to receive the ex-Dictator Rosiis , on hiu , landing , with ipffic ? ai honours . Lord MAjVEsnuBYreplipd , that no ini etructions h « 4 been sent from tho . lWcigp Qfflco ., Ho could not 6 xpl < W > h y « " > authorities at Plymouth had rpceived the general , in such a , manner , ns they ha , d done , except by suppqsing that a natural ,, fooling l > ad led them to receive with hpppitality , and respect a < hs , tinguished rofugue from a , foreign country . No , more definite an « r could bo ^ bfctt ^ 9 del * horft ° m * h o , noblo lord or thp Bujco otNorthumtyrtynd . v v . ? ho Earl , of . ^ ti ^ m ^ VM fought forward >» motion on iko wnitwry stato of London , witroftting

      the House to pass a resolution i »[ , t % e \ effect tbaf ; | b ^ sanitary state of the metropolis required the immediate interposition of the : Goy 6 ruinent . . ., ' ¦> , : r The Earl of Debbt declined to fbUow ILqrd ShaF ^ s ^ bt int « his st with all his eiperieiice he had failed ta ' point out ,= ai $ r definite measures lay which the great evils of the ^ existing systein might bie reinedied . Tender the Jclrcjimstances he thought the noble lord should have , laid a bill o > the table which might have ijijen calmly , djs > cussed , instead of moving this abstract proposition , which unreasonably called on the House " to settle a question at onqe which had been a puzzle to

      Parliament for ten years . - ., * , - After spnie further discussion , the , Earl of Debby suggested that the word " immediate" ahduld be omitted in the motion ; and strange as it maysound , the Earl of SHAETESBtJBYi agreeing to this suggestion ^ the motion , so amended , was adopted .

      Untitled Article

      SOCIETY OF THE FRIENDS OF ITALY . ^ PEOFESSOE . NE ^ MAff ' s 1 E 0 TFEE ON ' ^ E ^ &tANp ' s PLACE AND DUTY IN EUBOPE . " The third conversazione of this ^ pcieiy was lield , qn Wednesday evening last , in the Princess ' s Concert-room , Castle-street , Oxford-street . A numerous and' select assemblage was present , consisting of the members , of the Society and their friends , together with a considerable number of foreigners—Kalians , Germans , Hungarians , and Frenchmen—interested in the society , andj above all , interested in the subject of the lecture which had been announced for the evening . The chair was taken at eight o ' clock , by W . N . Ashurst , Esq ., of Musw ^ hill , who introduced the l ecturer , Professor Francis JNewman , of ITniversity College . Professor Newman , then proceeded , amidthe deepest attention of the audience , interrupted only by

      marks of special sympathy and approbation at particular passages , to deliver the following discourse—Hft discourse worthy of the most careful perusal , and the most calm and serious consideration , both of ordinary citizens and of professional politicians . : : ^ ; / Friends and Cottntbymkn-, —It is common to open an addniss by asking indulgence : but now , to profess' diffidence would be to plead guilty of indiscretion . At the request of certain Friends of Italy , I have undertaken to discourse on a deeply important subject . I could not do so , unless-1 had strong convictions . But I shall try to adhere to great principles , on which one taay be conndentrwithoiit arrogance . , ¦ ' ¦' „ ¦ —U . ¦ It may be asked—by some pertly , by some senottsly- ^" , Why do you not leave so difficult a subject as Foreign Pohfaos to Statesmen •?"—and as a preliminary' -Ithink it well to give-a direct and frank reply . ' ' ' ¦ . ¦¦ : ¦ '; . ¦

      _ First , there is ho topic which the IHouse of Commons may discuss , on which it is not desirable that all should have _ exercised minds , who constitutionally elect that House , and who need to judge of the conduct of their representatives . Secondly , the subject most intimately concerns us . As things have'long been managed , our brothers , sons , neighbours , friends , arebable even in ordinary times to be sent abroad as soldiers or sailors , and become either agents of high justice or tools of cruel outrage . In extraordinary times such as these " , our very laws and liberties , not to speak of our trade , our wealth , our taxation , ' are eminently suspended on European evehts . Thirdly , ' whatever the ability of statesmen , and whatever their superior knowledge of fact , I do not admit that they have more moral wisdom than private persons , and I fear they have generally less . All their most valuable wisdom was earned in private life ; and the hirrhnr thev rise , the more ' are thev immersed in a corrupting

      atmosphero . I dare not utter tixUf my feelings on this subject : they might seem extravagant . I will barely say , thatrpublic hisrory loaves upon my mmd a most painful conviction that the morality of our foreign and oolonial policy is exceedinigly behind the morality of our home-political life . Crime is imagined to cease to be crime , because it is perpetrated on' the most audacious scale . ' ' ''" . " ' . I have now to discourse on the place and duty of England in Europe . I understand thia to refer to the place which England ought consciously to occupy in the exiting stafe Of things . That state is surely uhprededented in all history : . Never Were the nations so intelligent , so industrious , so humane , so abhorrent from pillage , so peace-loving , ao . law-J ^ ngj ye * never were so many great and powerful peoples pressed , by more muitary force uh ( lor a yoke wliich they abhor . Never was so vast a soldiery kept up—kept , not against foreign enemies , but to ensure ineir xei

      that a fo \ V men , neither wiser nor nun-e virtuous tnan - lo ^ -mortalH , may exert irresponsible power : over-a hundred million persons . This can only be a state of transition . How long the throes of bjrth will bo prolonged ; what amount of misery , destriiotipn , and utter rending away of things new from things old snail precede the Order whioh is to arise out of this . Chaos , may probably dbpend on England ; Her insular position gives ' her a poquliar security ; but ifthiB be interpreted to liberate her from duty to opuntrieB lees happily Bitutttcfcl , it will turn to her certain disgrace , " « d ppssjlbly to her ruin . What \ she can do for , them , depends on what « he t > in herself and what she may become in her whole empire , by the mere exertion of virtuous will . On this very grave subject I fear I cannot be lively ; I can only be earnest , ri-and I entreat that its deep interest may sustain your attention , if I fail of being as concise as might bo To prevent mistake , twill at once avow . that . I speak as a royalist to royalists . Whatever bo the prpgross of republican theory among us , it would bo absurd to expoot a servant of tho les aud

      Crown to act on any hut roytdist princip . A pprmanout conniBtent foreign policy bostilo to Engliah royiiHy , ie uaimagina ^ lo from . British mi » inters without a previous revolution ut homo , lio arguments are horo admissible , but such an may bo nincnrely pressed on minintors of tho Crown in either House of i ' urlianuent . ¦ . ¦ > > < ¦< ¦ ) , ,-. Again , I speak as an Englishman , and not A'om the ground of any one Heotion of EngliHli politioiuna . Tory , Whig , Radical , ; nrp in thia argument uH one . No . English atutoaman l ^ as , dono himself and ni » country moro honour in rcoont days oa to European politien than Mr . QladBtono , who ie oallod a Tory . In i ' tusti England luis , no party favourable to ubHolutiBin . Jffivory poaniblo lniairttry will avow that tho glory of the crown consist !) in its rouonoiling freedom with subjection , by being itself fluhJQut to law . W » may ) 4 itt " w > a » to tho more or lot * of iwtivo nutJwjrity which mnybonoiloiaUyboaHBlgnod toaprinco ; naturally , fqr thp problem varies with every internal ahango in a nation . But all England agrees , that legitimate and honourable royalty does not mean tho oupr « maoy of an Individual Will over Law , but moans tho oonsooration of an individual person or / wuily . to bo tho obiof uunioter and roprosontative of Law ; and . that tho

      ea-^ d ^ ess of ideally Ja'bE ^ r a nat ^ rfli ettlui : fr ' oin , ihe hieher socre ^ esB ' oflSaw . : ; - ¦¦ .- - ¦• : .. ¦ *¦ - ; V ; . - - . ' . -. V- .:. ~ [ % :. ¦ . . - . ; ' ; ' ;; . - ' . ¦ ¦ . 2 epubliqfin 8 have combined wi ^ h . j ^ bsplutjsta to deride cdnaH ' *! # ^^ iil # i ?? Wl ^ . ' ?^ vE <» sibleforih Sf gpveijunient , bf exhibitanjgr how itris inanage ^ by fpoHsh persoiw ff lplish ; Qipdocrfusf ^ : J 9 ^ b ., m ^ V ! $ ^* -:, ^ iisti ^^ . i ^^ fpoBBh oonstitutipiial mpnarchy ;¦» r ^ cUculpus : let us be thankVul if it be le ^ s evtt . ! ?| wt I ^ rongiy depy , the , prpjtnei y " of ; treating Epglist sttttesmen ' aa ne ^ ess ^ hyjjpcrites , to , then ; approval of * ottr pecuMar instifcutionsj It m an insidious falsehood , some . tinies unawares adinitted by good ipeh ; tbjit restriction on royal poweris , a Recent humiliation . It is , npt recent , but was born Witt prnni | fcjv ^ royalty r it is iiqt a ; humiliation , but : . is necessarv 4-rk motiik 4 Via -i »/\ ir'dT ¦ nfll /» a' r ^ no nrhion n . frriirin ¦ nViH toioa *^' _ ' ¦ _< -

      _ desire to accept , legal limitations on tKe ^ jprerogative do not binder a wise king from services to hia c 6 u ' ntryi such as libnebut a King can render . It nught be . well for the black population of the ynited States oE America ,, ^ a 9 pnstituti (> na ] , king reiened jtherp . v In old ^^ England , the ,, ^ urgeps ,,, tlie freeholder , flnd the eierf , fptn ^ d in 'the fang a prptectpr . against the baron ; yet our rpyalfrjr . w ^ th ^ n asi truly limited as now though the limits were not all sp wpljL aereed uppri . : ~ So royalty , is" in the highest sense legitimate , untiTall the institutions are secured by Law against tie caprices of individual ;^ vill . ; , .- ; ,. - . ; .-, " .. ' v ; ! : ¦? ' .- . , iB ^ i'tiMACT ;^ 8 . ; a wp ^ d which ; , like Order and Authority , has been claimed and abused % aespots ; who had ainoSt doubtful title to it . The lowest form in which it can be conceded to exist is , where ; ostensibly wuline obedience is paid to a aovereitrn is the of the

      whose will is Law . S ^ uch legitunacy Bussian emperor in Busbia prpper ..: Such cPuntries raay be temporarily well governed : we rejoice when , tH « jt is the , case ; but we know the ardupusnesso ^ the problem ., Th ? state is one of transitiou , only as transitive is it le ^ timatp . Xsupetior formpf legitiriiaey appears , where there ^ is sO ^ e division of ppwers between independentholders of authority , sP , af to make a double or triple systein of ^^ antagonist forces , each ^ likely tb check the unjusfrprpceedings of theotner . Thus in our Indian Empire the Supreme Tribunals are independent of the ordinary Executive , and all authorities alike are Consciously amenable to the ultimate jud gment of England . Such also is the legitimacy pf Civil Despptisins which are linnted by unchangeable Religion , or by extremely . ancient Forms : equally , unchangeable .. ' But here , the Jiess is

      better stability is jurpviaea ior » * ne jrrogress possiDJie . The thfid form pf Legitimacy is , when Law is acknowledged to be human and changeable ; -yet changeable , only by public debate and the cpneurrence of different i prders ; -when the magis . trate can enforce law on the people , and' the people on the magistrate . To wort put unaided so coinph ' catea a problem , is tedious to all riationsii and ? possible to ve . ry few j but human experience now has fully settled the conditions of success . This Senest form pf Lemtimacy is ' generally , called Constitutional Freedom . It provides alike fo ^^ Stability and for Pro gress . The trie classification pf ^ pvernmiehts . is npt into ^ Monarchical , Aristocratic , and Democratic , biit into ¦ the' Lawless , the Stagnant , and tie Legally ^ progressive . ' The histpry of the English Crown ^ is itself asilentbuteloquent nrotest in favour of this highest form of Legitimacy . The

      dethronement of , the . 8 tuarts , and election of th ; e House of Brunswick , proclaimed that legal barriers must be maintained against the malversation of th 0 , TSbcecut ^ vePoiyer , and that along who becomes notoriously lawless , tfl < b / oc < o abdicates the Grown by violating his fundamental duties and engagements . Onthecontrary , nearly everywhere ok the Contm ' ent , kings have used armies to overturn law , and ; have hereby desecrated royalty . Foreign invaders assume to , bie \ fcings or emperprs of nations which hate them , and whichdwpwpaU allegiance . Noble families have gained kingdoms by hyppcrisy an , d oa , ths * and haveturned them into tyrannies by perjury and murder . Unle | s Engbah royalty separates its cause front that of , lawless ¦ wickedness , it is dishonoured by the pretenders to-its likeness . What rape is to marriage , suohis the sway of ^ usurper to . ,, that of true legiti-¦ w ' -t _ ¦ _<• 1 ' _ i » _ T- __ l- _ i--. ilA ~ .. * . 4-2 i *« Z 4 > it * nfl-an aaii ^ . + Tin . t . tllft

      _ wisest Ipng cannot give , freedom to his PfQPle , . But if he cannot do everything , he can do much ; and if he desire to secure the supremacy of Law over Caprice , that wilfbe seen in the direction ofhis endeavours . Few born despots have the knowledge or the genius , and still fewer have the will , to establish any power antagonistic to thejr own ,, , ,,. , i ¦ , ¦> . ¦ >¦¦ ' ¦ ' ¦¦ . '¦ Ana But—what takes away all excu / se from modem European aeapot«—the despptism has , not been necees ^ atea by Bfrnf ^ and ignorance , but has been facilitated by oivilisfttionand knowledgeT Advantage is taken pf the industry , peacemlness , ana weflth of the people , to tax them largely , to wises e ^^ , ' - diery , and makp fejght the . arbiter ofTWght . ^^ f ^ r i ™?/' Slaqder , Cruelty , « 0 l add , tto . poiwem to xapootP . » i ™ cause . The rule ofthe despots is now . JbeyP . nd « 1 contradictoon , the rule of atrocity over moderation , of stupiditv over lnteucot , of , auperatitipu pver reverential philpsophy . It ip W » P . o 8 t "; tion . pf genips , the extinctipn of . literature , , &e ^ PPJ ^ 88 ^ 011 ^ ,, debate , the fettering pfopmmer . ee , the annihUatipn of tow . j ne debasement pfaristooracy , and the elevation ot a ruthless priest-. The sentiment p ^^ every romainwg royalwV nation to ^ its kinff miishBonnbn iindArminnd . if rovaltv and tvrjmny become

      confouwded in . pno jidea . Cpnspira ^ prs agajnst U > w , ^ AtVj 1 *; »™ oqm . mou interest as tyrants ; but a legitimatecrown has no cow mop interest with thew BngMi in all her orders and ranks , has but one , interest < n Europe-and thm wM ^ , %$ L £ providentialmiasipnTTrto incul 9 ate and , promote the flupromaojr ° & , indopd , awd notXAW , id , the true /^ XSs ' tionVor diatinguish ^ hese , t > yp ; 8 ordinary , a purely intprnal ^ wgwn lor . oaob nation .. The pfaV oxcep ^ pnal case , which in m «^ r t n '_ X has lwn ,. thpught , to duBtifyfpr ^ gnFWerfewncfl tp ' P'PWJ ^ ohwaea of men from um Ws ^ kw , J » % * ^ ?!^ M ! trovs " i WhW fanaticism dissolves tlie t ( es of . h umanity , it W ov « w . thorn the tie * of nature j but in lesi * v \ tal disputes , Jhe v ery ^ foyers by evil lavyawpuld . deprecate aid from abroad . W" """ rily , thep , we . s ^ uteXegalUy as th * flaffof , tw }™ : flV ' ^ by But the iUegiUmacv ofpower is BPmetimes dearly ^ o w j its own oon ^ Jm yimw ^ ^ ^ powerlW foreigp guard ,, wheia , ho , ga ^ e ons ^ ftKK X ™ ttm tho aweq . the qownfty , with foreign trpopa , and FW ^ yX ^ ding n « tTvP « ,. heprooiaima to tty wM tt »| Mi 1 «»*» "V ^ uZJan Wroy of pccMpaipPR , nota ru > r *< l f' ^^ ^ V treat it . » ifo » tjy , « . tatqtfwr , and 1 W such , ^ , ° n fe meno ? pn , tho Anat P « toamproddpwn M « M ) rp& . wbroa 4 a pl » oiipmenonH ^

      facoofBytppo , as , Qxe onpmy who trgmpjoii , on »• + " £ Aed it and in modern days alikoj political observers have reg" ^ ^ wiftn , axiom ,. that , » ppww ) H Weflrit ' mtttc ~ ° '« rarmioa . phwwod it , l&rari » . > £ -wuen it , ^ e « fed P « . » w > w *""* J B 0 Even where tho armies ava , not foreign , tho ^""^ Simato . gluring , that no Bane man can doubt that ] ppwor u' W ^ . If « magifltrate , who was entmiBted ^ with W KJ "; ' " diagetm thority , ooi-rupta the army , falsiflea his oa « 4 » puWw « 18 fn , pri . civil assemblies by violence , daughters , baniswea ^ >™**** £ lU BO 118 , at pleasure j diotatea prooeBBOS whtoh & ™ *? JSfizSbo ~ to > tionaforraalauthority . anu then , MBiunm to bo ^ WjgJS » - > to last atop doea but , add hypoorisy tp »*{•«< " «»» ™ 2 { 5 £ 5 «» ur . truBtauohamaniB henceforth impOMibto . ^ . jfSoH % •>»•• tesieB with him ifl to deprive our « purtoBiea of aU . . wot ht Wo either ^ become portokera of Wa iU rcputo , or « J ^ ^ to act frpm oowardfae ,, To bafo rqed to aatuto euOh » vir . with « dvil % l mttfltiMfe ^ to him , tuoua mftn . To aond ftUxoa . wnbaBBftdor to pay coum w

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), May 1, 1852, page 408, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1933/page/4/