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Leader (1850-1860), 10th April 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 348

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      Untitled Article

      cultural labourers , our unemployed " navvies , for a picnic on that ground of gold P To bring together that native treasury , that thriving town without airorking class , and our " surplus" population , would be a blessed act of human providence . If mischief is to be apprehended , front the gold fever in Australia ; it-is to be abated by diluting the flobd of gold with an abundant infusion of population . Pour in people ; fill up the valuable space , as soon as possible , with a settled population , and you will swamp the greedy vagabonds who are dreaded .

      But the same process that would refill Melbourne with a working class , and would fill the pockets of our working people with gold , would materially contribute to render that great spread of native wealth available for this country . The new settlers would help to develope the resources of the colony , would relieve the labour market at home , would convert the contemned " surplus "

      population which burdens us , into so many respected consumers for our manufactures—in all these things , the process of migration would fulfil the usual benefits : but in the special case , beyond those benefits , it would have the further effect of expediting the interfusion of gold and people , first in the colony , and ultimately , through the Colonists , their trade and shipment of emigrants , in this country also .

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      SIXTY YEARS LOST . Youh plodding old Tory will not give us anything — " , not never "—your dashing young Chartist will make us lave all he deems desirable at once . " No matter that you do not want it . JSe does . ! No matter that the country is not prepared for it . Me is . In the obstructive respect , the Tory and the ultra-Democrat are the same : both will have their own way . If you remind the Conservative that , as the majority of the people have strong convictions opposed to his , and he ought fairly to concede something to the judgment of others , he repels you as an " anarchist . " On the other

      hand , if you suggest to the Democrat that-a considerable body of eminent men in the nation * including scholars , statesmen , merchants , patriots , and gentlemen , do not see their way clear to calling into legislative influence the entire multitude , residential and nomad , outside—and therefore to insist upon their unconditional acquiescence in euch an acfc , would be a tyranny no less offensive that that which is charged upon the present order of things—if you suggest this to the Democrat of the ultra school , he stigmatizes you as a

      " traitor . " This treatment by the two extremes of political advocacy , has the effect of holding all reform in suspense , and of making any progress impossible . The Parliamentary Reformers , of whom Mr . Hume is the exponent , strike out a practical mean for the public to follow . But , it is objected , that if you stop at the Hume-Suffrage point , it is a mere expedient , and you are equally bound to accept the meagre measure of the Jlussell-Suffrage . The reasoning on which this objection is founded , is . however , the same as to deny that

      any circumstance ought to sway political actionit is to deny , that respect to the convictions of others should have weight in determining political claims—it is to deny , that good sense and good feeling ought to regulate political choice . In fine , it amounts to this : —Because the country is politically hungry , not having had a franchise repaBt since 1832 , the Chartist prescribes six courses for its next dinner . Mr . flumo suggests that four courses would perhaps be founcLsafer for the health and digestion of the body politic . " No , no , " oxolaimtho ultra Suffragist— "If you

      cannot take six courses , I do not boo why you should not dine off one dish at the Russell-ordinary . " The country , however , bogs to submit that it ought to be alloyed the common right of the humblest man , of determining whether it will bo fed , like Oliver Twist , by the Downing Street Bumble—suddenly stuffed by ultra cooks—or moke a moderate , a wholeBomp , yet a substantial meal , at Mr . Hume ' s table . If the publio does

      not take it into its head to choose for itself , instead of its long promised meal of six courses , it will find itself condemned' Bomo twenty yoara hence to another scanty bowl of Whig gruel . Iiet us see whatultraiam has done for us . More than sixty yoara ago , Sir Charles Turner , who was Member of Parliament for York about 1782 , addressed the following speech to the electors in Westminster Hall . I quote it verbatum as it has come down to us : —

      "I feel , " said Sir Charles , a satisfaction in addressing so numerous and respectable a body of nay countrymen , that cannot animate a slavish mind . I have opposed the torrent of corruption and the inroad of arbitrary power j and , although I have been unsuccessful , yet , with your assistance , I will fi ght and conquer . Corruption and tyranny-can never stand against the . virtuous . . efforts of . a free people . Be firm , be zealous , be uiwmiinous . Assert your birthright—r annual parliaments , and an equal representation—a privilege inherent in the constitution ; but if you do

      not think yourselves supported in claiming that object , you have a right to insist upon what government you please , Laws were made for the governed , not for the governor ; and all governments originate with the people . If you choose to be slaves , you may submit to an unlimited monarchy or an oppressive aristocracy . If you wish to be free , you have a right to insist upon a Democracy , or you have a right to f orm a JRepublic . Do not tell me of the power of Parliament or the power of the Crown . All power originates with yourselves j and if the Crown or Parliament abuse that power you

      have invested them with , you have a right to reasaume if . You are the lords of the creation , hot the slaves of power . You are your own masters , and we are only your servants , delegated and employed by you to do your business ; and till you pay your servants , as was formerly the case , they will never act to your advantage . If you do not pay them , the Crown will * then they become the servants of the Crown , and no longer the servants of the people . An honest man can have no interest but that of his country in coming to Parliament : and if he sacrifice his ease and retirement

      to the duty of a senator , his expenses , at least , ought to be reimbursed by his country . You now pay your members with a vengeance for enslaving you and picking your pockets , but if you once pay them yourselves , yon would no , longer complain of oppression . But with spirit and resolution insist upon your privileges , and I will meet you at Bunnymede . I love the poor , I have divided my fortune with the ^ poor , and I will die with them . The poor man ' s labour is the rich man ' s wealth ; and without your toil the kingdom is worth nothing . While I am free , you never shall be slaves . "

      What chance would any man have for York now who should address such language as that to the electors ? Mr . Vincent , who is of the palest sky-blue tint of political liberaBty , compared with that , has little prospect there . Where will you find a Knight now , unless Sir Joshua Walmsley should have the boldness , who would not expect to risk his seat by such a declaration P At the period when Sir Charles Turner made that speech ,

      there were noblemen who put their names to political documents of equal breadth . The race of those noblemen is now extinct . It has been extirpated by imprudences . Is it not worth while inquiring how it is that , after sixty years , we are not even where we were . Between reactionaries and ultras , moderate and practical progress has been crucified .

      It would seem , to use a figure of Pearl Andrews , that Democracy at the time of the first French Revolution rushed with the explosive force of escapement from centuries of compression , point-blank to the bull ' s-eye of its final destination , from which it recoiled with such force , that it prostrated and paralyzed itself . There is undoubtedly much to be dreaded from Arbitrary-Rulers , and scarcely less from . Arbitrary Reformers . 1 . QK .

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      THE GREAT PAINTED WINDOW QUESTION AT HAMPSTBAD . An ecclesiastical" tomjwst in a toapot" has boen raging for weeks past at tho p ^ easfcnt suburban villago of Hampstoad . It is perhaps fortoUnato on other than moro sanitary accounts for tho denizens south of Tottonham-court-road , that bo high a hill should divide thorn from that Sunday rofugo of tho cooknoy oit . At all ovonts , Hampstoad , though , according to popular n otions , nearer Hoaven than London , is corfcainly not nearer to tho presumed peace and charity of Heaven . Hero again a lamentable burlesque of tho unity of tho Church ia being onaoted by men professing to . livo in tho bond of peace , assi s ted by thpso lay ladies whom St . Paul rebukes .

      Tho scandal , or rook of pffonqo , is , if wo aro correctly informed , a certain Painted Window , which has boon very generously proaentod to a now ohuroh recently consecrated , by a gentleman connected with tho parish . For tho giver , it was not so muoh a dosiro to lend to tho edifice that " dim roligious light" which Milton approved , and modern Puritanism ubhore , as to consccrato to tho memory of boroavemeafc a votivo oftering of affection consoled by religion . Tho window consisted of " Tho Saviour and tho Four Evangelists , "—a subject , wo should , havo imnginod , not

      inappropi'iate nor idolatrous . Great was * the -wrath of the Low Church worshippers -who Bad " taken pews : " fanned into a flame was their wrath by the minister , who , assisted by a sort of Lady-Committee of Vigilance , proceeded to agitate the parish by Tracts , Homiliea , Petitions , and other inflammatory appeals . . • A petition to have the window removed was sent round for signatures . At length ' a compromise , 6 r , at least ; " a truce , between the Painted Window-ites and the llieh-¦ - ' ' ¦ ' ' '''"' . " ' . ¦¦"' ' : ' ' ' .-

      Pew-and-Hassock-ites , has been effeo ted ; but not until ladies had been heard to say that they would not sifc within view of the window , and that in taking the Sacrament they should look steadily away from , the window : not until much bitterness had been expended , and muc h forgetfulness of Christian kindness exposed in the struggle . And what is the compromise ? The Saviour is taken out , and tho Four Evangelists are left , —the very last arrangement one might have anticipated from either of the disputant parties .

      Is the vacant space , peradventure , to be occupied by the shining portrait of "Our Minister ?"—an idolatry to which even . Low Church ddvotes are apt to confess . Surely we need not point the moral of this edifying window-battle , and its still more edifying compromise . iFor , will not the Windbw , painted , or simply glazed , east a queer light upon the Unity of the Ohuroh of England ?

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      THE 1 ? OOE THAT ABB ! -ALWAYS AT US . Protection , says Sidney Herbert , is the outdoor relief of the landlords , and . they are always making a disturbance in the Union , because they do not get it freely enough . They put up Derby as their sturdy beggar , epe officio ; and ex officio he was sturdy enough : but in office his courage evaporates . Thelandlords want arate inaidof theirown wages—a corn-rate in aid of rents ; but when he sets about it , Derby finds that there will be a difficulty in persuading the working classes to pay a rate in aid of rents out of their scanty wages .

      T ? hey might indeed do so , if the landlords behaved pretty . There would be a poetical ; adjustment in a plan which made the farmer ' s dependupdnthe landlords , the labourers upon the landlords , and the landlords upon the labourers ; only in such case , as the farmers go cap in hand to tho gentlemen , and the labourers to the yeomen , so the landlords ought to go scraping a bow into the presence of the yokels from whom they ask an allowance out of the family loaf . The poor old feudals waiting to attend before a labouring board of " guardians of the landlords" would bo an instructive sight .

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      [ IW THIS DBPABTMBNT , AS A . M . OPINIONS , HOWBVBB »*™"""^ ABB AIXOWBD AN HXPBBSSION , THH EDITOR NKOBBSAlUfcX HOLDS HIMBBLtf WBBPON 8 IBLB FOB NONK . j

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      THE TKUK PEACE . To Thornton Hunt , Esq . My Dha . ii Sib , —Accept my warmest thanks for thoftdmirablo spirit in which , in iPhe Leader- of tho 20 th MauJ « , vou reply to my letter which appeared , m the P » ° » ° " number , under tho editorMly-conferrod title « Vm < waJJJ of tho Pcaco Policy . " In this rejoinder I shall ^^ "J to illustrate my views on both tho general and suboiuina questions at xbhuo between us , with kindred o « ^ and precision . I shall follow , an far ™™™™ Tl ' yOa order of your remarks , and avoid no difficulty time } havo prosonted , ho far as I can soo it . which First : Of the legitimate function of that instanot wlm you variously designate , " tho instinct that impels to w r and " tho instinct which cravea tho victory over p hyw »»

      if war , moaning thereby human elaughtei , wore normal exorcise ofthia instinct , it were a mere trui « n flfty , with you , that tho victories of peace aro not to

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      348 THE LEAP [ Saturday , ' ¦ . ¦ " ' ' ' ¦ ' - »¦ . ¦¦ ¦ ¦'¦ ' ¦ " . V ¦ - - ~ . ^^ ' L \ ~ L ""^' i^— -j ^ L ^ Jj ~^ mmmm ^* mm ^^^^^^^^^^^^ K * l ^^* B ** & * lllt * ll * K * imi 1 ^^ 2 ^^^ 2 £ i ^ l ± lJ l ^^^ JHmmi ^^ i *''***** m '' * mlimmmmm ' l '' t ' ^ ^ ¦ ' ' : ' . ¦'¦¦ ' ¦'¦ ¦¦ ' ¦ ' ¦ ' ¦ ¦ ¦

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      There is no learned man but will confess he hath roucj profited by reading controversies his B 01 JHe 8 awaKon ^ ^ and his judgment sharpened . If then , it bo P > ° K ^ for him to read , why should it not , at least , botol oraDio for his adversary to write—Milton .

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), April 10, 1852, page 348, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1930/page/16/