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Leader (1850-1860), 3rd April 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 321

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      Untitled Article

      THE GQYEBWENT MILITIA BILL . The Government plan for organizing the militia is a half measure ; tut the mood of the public , on all subjects , is in itself a half measure ; and the plan has in it the merit of being expansive . It is an immense improvement on the Bill proposed by the late Government . The expansion of the age from eighteen to thirty-five , the acceptance of volunteers ! in the first instance , the waiving of qualification for officers in certain ranks , are all advances towards a really national force , which stamp tie measure , indeed , not only as an improvement oa the last abortive scheme , but on those which ksive previously been in operation . The imperfect extension of the force is not of very great moment : this force may be a model or trial for one Of larger extent . We do not yet perceive clearly how the independent volunteer corps are to he dealt with , and we trust that no attempt will he made to discourage them . But here is a force that will comprise representatives of the various classes of ^ society , will accept the members as volunteers , will arm them at the public expense , and will , in short , prove the oflK cial disposition " to trust the people . " The enforcement of a militia ballot in districts which do

      not furnish their quota , would be a proper lesson on public duty to any defaulting district . The plan is very generally ascribed to Lord Ilardinge , and it does credit to the colleague of Peel . The Conservatives ate setting a lesson to the Liberals of trust in a great political truth , that freedom armed for its own defence is not necessarily turbulent . The turbulence of Switzerland may be traced , like that of Ireland , to her poverty ; her independence , in tho very midst of despotic Europe , to her mountain spirit , and her domestic rifle . In the United States , the volunteers maintain tho law . Tho First Division of New York

      restored order at tho time of the Macready riots ; and at the great gathering of Volunteers to welcome Kossuth , that division received tho cheers of the other- ' regiments ; The old objection—rather a strange one to bo repeated by Mr . Roebuck , who talked at Sheffield of a national force !—that it would " make good artisans into bad soldiers , " is idle . An ill-contrived and ill-trained militia may make bad soldiera , but

      a well-trained force docs not do sd , i As a speakpr said in tho dobato p £ Monday , pf the Duke ' s army at lalavora , a largo portion were drawn from tlie Jnihtia . And wo have already mentioned the Mexican victories of militia regiments , who had novor seon service before . Old Zachary Taylor ( iccuBcd tho Yankee militia-men ! ofthe very same ignorance which has been ascribed to British Boldiera—they did not know ; when , they > woro bcaton . .. .. ... ¦ i ! -

      ,- ; . , , . < : , : ) ; ., , . . ,.,... ; , n Wo do not keep out of view , / tho , fact , that , mud ! will dopend on the administration of tho , statute that parliament , may pa ^ ., Tho bounty may bo wasted in . gilts to men who will , Joavo yiunr standard as Boon aa they finger cash , ' or tho instalments may bo reserved until service bo fuluiecl . l ] l 0 bounty may bo given aa wayes , in winch case it would bo ¦ ludiorbuahr inadequate i Jf . ! milv !> o bestowed as a real bounty , ina JPjnt and manner that shall convert it into a ' pi ' nn r V 0 l T welcome token , of goodwill . VIO actual field Snrv !« ftmn . ir Iia linviM / T f h . f . ™ - « r » f * r

      _ ono clays , and may bo Tendered vory odious and iiics ome , if officers nro harsh and supercilious ; ^ m i ^ C 0 tlu « mnv bo llold vet oftonor , without „„ , £ , , » andbo wade tho moat attractive and fc ! i lncidontH to all oonoornod , if the officers «« * trm " aristocratic" sympathy with their countrymen of all classes . It has been suggested . "; ;» during the summer , volunteer companies n » fent make tho Saturday aftornoon a hutf-holi *

      day , for practice . Why should not the militia have permission and facilities to hold the same strictly local gatherings at the same time . If officers of tact , public spirit , and good humour , were selected for so important a ; service , suph weekly meetings would be ^ very wiiolesome usage , and the coiitfemned militia might become , the model to the yo ^ ng ^ men of the coiiintry . , Lord John Russell proposed to abolish qualification for officers ; , ana the pr ^ sqnt injure , partially retains the qualification . This is rather a serious flaw , since it preserves that sign of

      " caste" which ought not to exist in any national force , where feudal customs have ceased . But , even here , a judicious administration might do much to temper the evil , by a well-conducted plan of promotions ; especially if the qualification were waived in special instances of combined merit and ability . But why continue it at all , why not be content with the proper discretion in supervising all commissions for the force ? . From the spirit in which the measure , in its general structure , is conceived , we indulge the confidence that there is a real desire to work it

      in a national spirit : ; and , if so , we may yet see restored to our village-greens and town-greens , those manly sports , for real objects , which have declined amongst us , followed by a marked decline in the independence and physical comfort of the people . We are not half so anxious for the spread of "democratic" opinions , as we are for the revival of national feeling— that great guarantee of national independence , and even of personal independence . There . was a time when to be an "Englishman" was to be conscious of a

      transmitted privilege ; an hereditary obligation neither to do nor to suffer anything craven , mean , or ungenerous . We long to see that spirit abroad amongst us once more ; and we will thank " Conservatives" as heartily , if they help to revive it , as we would any other set of men . Tor'he w-ho sets an example of love of country , of a high and quick sense of the national honour , does more for the freedom of any country , than he who passes laws However ' ? liberal ' in their clauses .

      Untitled Article

      A STANLEY FORFEITS HIS GAGE . Stanley of Derby said one thing a few days back , and now says another thing ! He denies his words . We quote them , with the dates , from the Times : — On the 15 th , — " This [ Protection or Free-trade ] is a question whicJi ought not to he alloioed to remain any longer in abeyance than possible . * Further on he said— « I ropeat that tho period of suspense ought to be as short as possible , —that tho appeal to be made to the country ought to bo made as early as the great interests of the country will permit /

      On the 19 th , —[ after declining to comply with the wish of tho Duke of Newcastle , and to name any precise time for a Dissolution , inasmuch as circumstances might possihly arise that would render it inexpedient to dissolve , in this or that month . ] ' ? I repeat that I desire only to conduct such business through the present session as it is necessary for the good of tho country should hopassed . I will not specify what are the measures included in that category , except to say

      that-I do include among them one of paramount necessity— -the organization of the internal defences of tho country . ' After J shall haVo discharged the duty incumbent topW mo' jfor' tho present session , I beg to rdpeiiifi that T fchall be' as anxious as tho hoblo Dukocan bo that an early decision and judgment of the country should bo talceii , and that Parliament should upon that judgmont , before the close of next iiutmrin , pronounce its definitive and final decision . "

      bn the 29 th , —[ In reply to Lord Minto . ] " Nothing has over fivllori from my lips which could lead any man to suppose that tho present would 1 ) 0 a session of unusually short duration . I never said anything that could justif y such a conclusion . I say further , that tho continuance of t | io session depends on causes over which 1 can have no control . " Wo noddv dp ho-mor . 0 than record those incompatible phraBce , with the expression of a regret

      that a Stanlcvvyepoaking in presence of tho country , should havo uttered ' both averments , "We stand not upon tho prociso words , indeed , but upon the general tenour : Lord Derby convoyed an imf > ro 8 sion by his first fltatomont , and still moro by lis second , that ho would make tho appeal to tho country , and reassemble Parliament to act upon it , before the closing of tho autumn . On the strength of that assurance tho combinod Opposition waived its aggressive tactics . We were

      in some degree reconciled to the new Minisirjr , in the belief that the relics of ihe Tory party did retain the relics of the high bearing and the chivalrous spirit which they vaunted of old . If they did not monopolize that spirit , as the history of . many a gentleman not " ennobled , " and of many a plebeian can prove , at least they vindicated it . If some fell off from it , the order generally stood by their standard . The relics ofthe Tories Erofessed still to bear it unabased . We used to elieve that the present head of the house of Derby

      was high in bearing , and chivalrous in spirit : he is still high in bearing . But there is a question beyond that of Lord Derby ' s word . He vaunts the confidence of the Grown , and asserts his right to continue in his post so long as he has tnat confidence . Lord Derby is breaking through the custom which shields the Crown from direct allusions in party debates ; and it is the more remarkable in that the present wearer of the Crown is a woman . However , he has the right to assume that position . Ministers are the Monarch ' s servants , appointed

      by the free choice of the Monarch . Jput the constitution knows a correlative right , and there is the one proper answer to the vaunt- —to stop the supplies . JS " o Minister making a vaunt of that sort ought to remain one hour in possession of the tacit sufferance of Parliament j and for the Crown ' s sake as much as for the people ' s . But Lord Derby counts upon the divisions in the opposite ranks , upon the faintheartedness of those whom the Liberal party still endures as its leaders—upon the servility of those who consent to remain behind where a Russell leads not . He

      thinks the Liberals will not dare to go to the extremes which he has forced upon them . Degenerate as he may be , he holds himself not so degenerate as they . At first he cowered ; but he learned to measure his puissance by their weakness ; and now , a hero among cravens , he swells out his chest , exalts his voice , struts exultantT and crows defiance . An Osborne would not stand his ground , for he had none to stand upon , and a Russell had trodden off his own spurs . Stanley feels safe , and again he rears his crest aa

      high as ever . In the calculations of sure party manoeuvres , English statesmen seem to us to be forgetting their duty . Any man , even a practical man , who thinks the constitution worth preserving , should have summoned tho Commons to do their duty , and enforce upon the repudiating Minister the responsibility he denied . Lord Derby may havo a right to be the Treasurer for the Crown , but he has forfeited his right to claim a single shilling from the people , and to entrust him with the public moneys would now be a breach of trust in the Commons .

      Untitled Article

      POLITICAL REFORM AND SOCIAL REFORM AT THE ELECTION . The relation of the Radical party to the party of the late Ministers has caused , and still causes , much embarrassment , to hearty Reformers . It should be sternly revised , or the best Reformers must bo content to remain , in the eyes of the very classes whom they desire to enfranchise , " as bad as the Whigs . " No sooner was Lord John Russell out of office , than he convoked tho Liberal Members to support him , and they

      responded to the call . Some of them gave him counsel froely , but still profforcd adhesion . Mr . Hume brings forward his motion , and then the Radicals find that tho Whigs have no intention of obeying their summons . Sir William Page Wood still supports them—in tho abstract j but not in tho lobby . Mr . Hutt is absent . But wo havo no desiro to pillory individual Mombers , nor to purado comparative statistics of tho division ; suillce it to recognise distinctly tho one or two facts established by tho division . First , tho general aspect of the division is this : tho minority of 89 , with jits two tollers , represents

      tho Radicals , ^ who go aa far ] ' as Mr . Humo , or further ; while the majority display ' s an union of Tories au . d Whigs distinctly united against a Homo Suffrage—the andient suffrage of English freemen . Secondly , thero are somo of tho ablest and jnost gentlemanly of the Radicals who do not put much faith in Radical fortunes , but prefer trusting their venture in the Whig craft . Thirdly , however willing tho WUigs m&y bo to accept Bupport for Heform measures contrived to increase , Whig influence , they will not reciprocate it : between the Whig party and anr really popular party , there is , an impassable gulf . Lord

      Untitled Article

      ^Tihtit Sfltoirs.

      ^ tihtit SflToirs .

      Untitled Article

      SATURDAY , APRIL " 3 , 1852 : . "

      Untitled Article

      Tliere is nothing , so revolutionary ; , because there is A 7 ,+ hine so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to vppd things fixed when allthe world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Db . Abnold .

      Untitled Article

      ApBm ? ^ 2 . ] iBiE ^ ^ Ii BlIi : Ml

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), April 3, 1852, page 321, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1929/page/13/