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Leader (1850-1860), 28th February 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 192, Untitled Article

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      the' latter ; and in proof of that , he quoted the preamble of the Stamp Act passed in 1819 j" Whereas pamphlets and p rinted papers , containing observations upon public events and occurrences tending to excite hatred and contempt of the government and constitution of these realms as by law estabbshed , ( Hear , hear , ) and also vilifying our holy religidn , ( cnes of Hear , hear , and laughter , ) have been lately published m great numbers , and at very small prices : And it is expedient that the same shall he restrained ; therefore be it enacted , &c . " ¦ .. ... .,, ,

      But what a stupid policy was that which permitted any essay or opinion , however extreme , and however cheap , to be published ; but if they attempted to give facts , on which alone safe opinions could he formed , then the Stamp Act did its best to fetter and restrain them . All thedespotic powers of Europe had imitated this " ingenious device of the English aristocracy" by putting a stamp on all newspapers . He wished it to be observed , that though his remarks had chiefly applied to the newspaper stamp , yet he was equally opposed to the excise on paper and to the advertisement duty . Mr . Edward Edwards moved the first resolution : —

      "That the duties on paper , advertisements , and newspapers curtail the liberty of the press , obstruct the diffusion of knowledge , and are inconsistent with the profes * sions of the Legislature in favour of popular education . " [ In the course of this gentleman ' s observations , Mr . Hume entered the room , and was received with enthusiastic cheering . ] Mr . Scholefield , M . P ., seconded the resolution , and in referring to the change of government , said that they could not have a worse Chancellor of the Exchequer than the one they had lost , for one of Sir Charles Wood ' s last acts was to tell them in the House of Commons that though he would not again prosecute the rich publishers of the Household Narrative , yet he would not pledge himself not to prosecute others .

      Mr . Cobden rose amidst the most tremendous applause > and congratulated theassociation on the crowded state of the Hall , suggesting that the next annual meeting should he held in Drury Lane Theatre . ( Laughter and applause . ) After three or four years ' agitation of free-trade in Lancashire and Yorkshire , when they once got installed in one of hex Majesty ' s patent theatres , he found that they were not far from carrying the question to a triumphant issue ; and he predicted that so it would be with this Association ; let them hold their meetings in Covent Garden or Drury Lane , and the Chancellor of the Exchequer would soon put these odious taxes into his budget with a view to their abolition . The question of the penny stamp was not a fiscal

      question at all ; the preamble of the act which their Chairman read let the cat out of the bag . Its object was to exclude the mass of the people from political reading . The various governments resisted the removal of these taxes on principle ; they preferred darkness to light . But what folly it was for politicians , like the late Whig Government , to invite the people to exercise the duty of electors , to become judges in the last resort as to the policy and principles of the Legislature , and yet to deny them the fullest opportunity of making themselves acquainted with the best means of controlling the destinies of the country . But whether proper facilities for forming a sdund judgment bo afforded or not , nothing can prevent the discussion of these

      questions . " They saw that on the Continent of Europe questions had been raised , and had obtained a considerable amount of popularity , which if they had been allowed to be discussed rationally and calmly , he believed would not for a moment have borne the light of inquiry . But instead of thoir being met with reason and argument , attempts had been made , and successfully to some extent , to put them down by brute force . But was the battle to be decided in that way P No . They could not destroy ideas by bayonets and musketry . ( Cheers . ) In every country on the Continent where they thought they had established peace and order by brute force and violence , those questions that

      they thought they had laid for ever in the blood of their professora , would rise again , in spite of the coercion , and the victims would have the titles of martyrs from the future devotees of the system . ( Hear , hear . ) Ho had very little sympathy with the opinions to which he referred , but let them be met on the fair field of argument ; if they could not be defeated and put down in that way , then those opinionB deserved to triumph . ' ( Loud cheers . ) He said the same of this country , He was well nwaro that there were oil the platform nicn whose views on social , { tolitical , and speculative subjects differed very much from iia ; but ho asked for no other opportunity of triumph , in his opinion , than a full , fair , and froo discussion in the open field of controversy . ( Cheers . )"

      But then they wore told that if the newspaper press woro perfectly free from taxation , it would degenerate , nntl become inferior and discreditable . Ho thought , however , that they might trust the pcoplo to discriminate between wbftt / wm good and . bud in newspapers , ns

      readily as they now did in other classes of literature . Mr . Abel Heywood , who carried on a large trade in cheap publications at Manchester , told the Committee of the House of Commons that the publications which had the largest sale were invariably those of the highest moral and intellectual quality . There were no doubt some immoral and obscene publications , which were read by a few people " about town , "he believed they were called « gents ?'—( great laughter ) —but they were a declining tribe , a puny racenot very likely to perpetuate itself —{ laughter )—but were not artisans as careful to keep away from their

      sons and daughters works of this libidinous character as the higher classes ? It was a foul libel , —no other words could express bis opinion—it was a foul libel on the working classes of England to say that they would not be as ready to choose the best and reject the worst newspapers , as they were with regard to other departments Of literature . ( Cheers . ) Another argument in favour of this movement was , that at the present time they found all the old party interests and family cliques unable to give headway to the vessel of the state > and a policy must be reconstructed out of doors so as to give an impetus to the parties that were now at a deadlock . Statesmen would never know what the real state

      of public opinion was until there was a really free circulation of newspapers . " Now , take the present predicament of the Earl of Derby being in power ( laughter and hisses ) ; he was not going to trespass upon the rule which the chairman had laid down ; but he had no doubt that Lord Derby had come into office to carry out his opinions , which they all knew were in favour of re-imposing a corn-law on this country * ( Hear , hear . ) Now , if Lord Derby could have the advantage of seeing at his club the penny newspapers which would circulate by 50 , 000 or 100 , 000 among the working classes , he would see what public opinion was on

      this subject , and probably he would not have taken office to do that which he saw was impossible . But now , instead of learning that from newspapers he would have to learn it from public meetings . There would be a great public meeting in Manchester—he was going to one there on Tuesday ( loud cheers)—he would have to meet his constituents in the West Riding—the London constituencies would have to meet—and why ? To tell Lord Derby that he should not put a single , farthing of duty on corn . ( Vehement and long-continued cheering . ) But all that might have been told him in a constitutional and tranquil manner through the press , if the press had been free . "

      He wanted the newspapers to be free that they might communicate facts , —that was the life-blood , the aliment of knowledge , —so that the people might acquire a healthy knowledge , and draw right conclusions . Mr . Hume inferred from the crowded attendance that the working men of the metropolis were beginning to arouse themselves on this important question , the removal of all taxes on newspapers , which was the best , and in many cases the only literature that working men could attend to .

      Mr . Collett , the secretary , illustrated the working of the newspaper stamp , by calling upon every man in the room who purchased a daily newspaper to raise his hand , when about twenty hands were held up—a result which elicited loud cries of " hear , hear , " from the audience , especially when the speaker intimated that every mechanic in the United States regularly took in his daily newspaper . Ho said the society proposed to defend country publishers who should take the same course as the Household Narrative had done ; and a

      Mr . Turner , of Stoko-upon-Tront , had undertaken a monthly unstamped publication , published in the middle of the month , which the Board of Inland Revenue declared to bo illegal . This society resolved to defend him if the Government should prosecute , and for that purpose thoy were resolved to raise 500 Z . this year . ( Applause . ) He concluded by moving" That tho insignificance of tho amount of revenue yielded by tho newspaper stamp shows , that it is now retained , as it was originally enacted , for the purpose of destroying tho independence of the press , and preventing tho circulation of cheap newspapers . '

      Mr . George Dawson seconded tho resolution . After various remarks against the presont system , ho said that , to him , the most humiliating incident in our parliamentary annals occurred on that first night of the present session , when tho " chivalrouB" sons of England found fault with tho English press bocauso thoy spoke too strongly of tho" num ovor tho water * ( Loud encore . ) Somo words to that effect had fallen from the lips of men from whoivi ho would have hoped bettor things . ( More Mr , Dawson looked hard at Mr . Hume —groat cheering . ) These chivalrous Britons wore afraid that Louis Napoleon might really bo oflbndod ; ho might got angry , and perhaps ho might invado us . ( Laughter . ) Well , if ho did , there was a passage in Maoboth which applied to such a caso"Come on , Macduffl And dwnncd bo he who flrat cricB . ' Hold , enough I' "

      ( Vehementcheering drowned the latter part of this quotation . ) Mr . BronterreO'Brien here came forward and , amid great interruption , denounced the law which requires a man to find sureties against his circulating libellous matter before he could pubUsh a newspaper There was riot one newspaper at present published in England that fully expounded and defended the social and political rights of Englishmen * ( Audible marks of dissent . ) Mr , O'Brien diverged to the " currency /' and other like subjects , which the meeting would not tolerate , so he was obliged to retire . The resolutions were all agreed to ; and a highly successful and cheering meeting wound up by a hearty , well-deserved vote of thanks to Mr . Milner Gibson .

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      LETTERS FROM ! PARIS . [ Fbom oub own Cobbespondbnt . ] Lettbe IX . Paris , Tuesday , February 24 , 1852 . The Confiscation Pecrees have produced a very dif . ferent effect upon the Princes of the house or Orleans to what Louis Bonaparte had anticipated . In reply to these decrees , the Princes have set themselves to reknit their relations with their old partisans , and already they are the soul of a vast conspiracy . Public opinion is with them aVtbjig moment . The bourgeoisie openly insist on their ^ ilbal : the old conservative party is flocking to their standard , and in Paris their return is freely talked of as a necessity .

      A most important negotiation with the Comte de Chambord , in their favour , is opened . The question is , to induce that Prince to abc ? af « in favour of the Comte de Paris , The Comte . ' ii ^ vg ^ Kj ^ has often manifested the intention < o ( iw ^ ' ® M ° y mg his immense private fortune . ' V ^ v ; , tvii | ifv ^ ptoposal has been made to him to take ^ i c ^ j ^ tj ^ taye ^ f returning to France by a decisive per ; . ;; : .. « V :--q ^ V ^ "jpas constantly refusedNotablafter N ^ nd December

      . y , ^ h . |^ Vt ^^" ^ , a few ; : his devoted lieggf ^ ymjsptf ' u ^ xm the Prince , expi > My to urge him to | ftsc 9 > him&lf boldly at the head of the noblesse , as th ^^ vfender g ^^ hte rights and liberties of the country , and to march , o ^ f the name of violated laws and principles , against Bonaparte . He refused , alleging " that his sole ambition was to lead a quiet life ; that he wanted nothing ; that he had a sufficient fortune ; that Heaven having denied him

      offspring , he had but one only pretension—to enjoy his revenues in peace , " These were his exact words . It Is in obedience to this declaration that the persons charged to negotiate his abdication profess to act . They will plead on behalf of their mission that France aspires after stability ; that she now knows well that , apart from the principle of legitimacy , and from her legitimate king , order and stability are impossible ; that he is her legitimate king ; that he should either act as a king , or , if the crown seem to him too great a burthen , that he should entrust it to another . It is M . de Salvandy , and two others , who have been charged with this delicate mission to the Comte do Chambord . His abdication would be drawn up in

      this form : — " Acknowledging that tho unjust prejudices which for twenty years have opposed the return to Franco of tho elder branch , still subsist in undiminished inveteracy , and are the only obstacle to tho re-establishment of the principle of legitimacy , he abdicates , in his person , for tho sake itself of that time-honoured and tutelary principle , in favour of tho innocent scion of tho eldest of the younger branch , "

      You will remark , as I did , that the word innocent is italicized ; which implies , of course , for the younger branch , the avowal of groat crimes : such as , the turpitudes of the Regent ; tha regicide vote of Philippe Egalitd ; the assassination of the Due do Berry , father of tho Comto do Chambord , attributed to Louis Philippe ;* and finally , the protest of tho last-mentioned , against tho illegitimate birth of the Comte do Chambord . This word innocent would bo a glare ot light thrown upon tho sombre secrets of tho past ; it would be at onco an act of confession , and an act of penitence .

      — ^^ ^ ^ " ^ mr W *—* am Will this negotiation succeed ? Nono can say . « it were to succeed , however , wo should have another revolution in Franco boforo a month is over our heads . The Princes of Orleans , in tho name of Albert tho JW would declares -war against jtJonapnrto , as a traitor ana un usurper ; they would , in case of ncod , purchase generals , m Bonaparte has tlono , and he would fall . Meanwhile , tho Duchess of Orleans has refused tho dowry of 800 , 000 francs , which tho French Glovorii " inont had assigned hor . Her refusal was addressed to Bonapartof in throo linos of withering disdoin .

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      192 THE LEADEfc ESa ^ ijrday ;

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      * We do not profess to concur in this odious charge—Ed . of Leader . t See leader , No . 100 .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 28, 1852, page 192, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1924/page/4/