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Leader (1850-1860), 21st February 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 166, Untitled Article

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      beneficent autocracy . Mark well his friends and intimates as they shuffle the credit of the state like a dice-hox ! . . . The burlesque of the empire is in run and . active rehearsal ; the parts ^ ri ^ u ^ and ;' f ^ costumes ready . Is the < iajr fi : p $ ? Ah \ * ou have a theatrical censorship in Frgnte ; but what if the play be forbidden by a wor # from Russia ? Napoleon organized % e Theatre Franpais in $ despatch from Mostf ^ h Nicolas forbids % 5 " burlesque of the empire" in a note from St . Petersburgh . Extinguish the hydra of

      revolution if you will : restore the Pope : play the Detective of despotism : but thus far—no farther . Napoleonic ideas , but no Napoleon the Second Thus says Nicholas . With effect apparently : for Louis Bonaparte , after insulting Switzerland , and bullying Belgium , fabricates a lying note in the Moniteur , breathing peace and amity to all nations , and vanishes again into the coulisses of the Opera , where , at least , he is monarch of all he surveys .

      The Saviour of Society ! The nett result to France of her deliverance frtim " the dangers of ' 52 , " is yawning financial bankruptcy ; a civil list of 480 , 000 ? . without a king , and a monopoly of the coulisses ! Is it not , as we said many weeks since , a " military despotism tempered with religion and debauchery . " For religion is not forgotten in the division of spoils . The University is to compound for les danseuses . The new Law on the Press is not a law to

      regulate , but to destroy . But it will soothe the fears of Downing Street and of Lord Derby ; for the masters of France will no longer be exposed to the keen , rude air of English journalism ; nor , alas ! our brethren in faith and hope be solaced by the reviving breath of freedom . " With authority of government / and a heavy stamp duty , how shall we rush in where even the Journal des Debats may fear to tread . Yes ! even the Debats is doomed ! Such is the progress of retrogression . Lagos , from which , some time since , our troops

      were compelled to withdraw , after capturing it , has been finally taken , and destroyed . For three days the fight continued . Fourteen men were killed , and sixty-four wounded . This vast loss was incurred in the idle attempt to suppress one slave-trading chief , and set up another , who promises not to trade in slaves . It is remarkable , that the attack was suspended on Christmas-day . hence the great slaughter . The enemy were well prepared , and fired with great firmness and precision . Kosoko is dethroned , and Atakoi enthroned ; that is the nett result of this sanguinary

      proceeding . Jenny Lind is caught at last , and has married one of her own profession , Mr . Goldschmidt , a pianist . The wayward artist ; who has fascinated so many audiences , and repelled so many suitors , is at length to be domesticated ; perhaps , like the caged mocking-bird , to sing only the more sweetly . Will the one want in her not be now supplied—a somewhat more burning fire of passion ? The question is worthy of being classed with the

      incidents of states ; for how great is the influence of art ! It seems almost the only robust and everexpanding influence of the world , the one that keeps on its way undaunted by political disturbances . . A Russell sees his political fame expiring before eyes yet undimmed by time ; while a Braham sees his old fame survive the very voice that made it , and multitudes rush to hear from his lips the mere retrospective outline of that largo utterance . It has sometimes occurred to us that

      the power of song , which exercises such mastery over"the mdo multitude , might lie introduced with effect into a higher sphere . They talk of direct representation of the professions , such as the law : why not enfranchise musicians , and make them return a sing ing member ? Speeches fall flat op the car , and ( Economists' unlyrical numbers exercise a too seductive suasion in favour of n cruel , cold utilitarianism : but the fire of nationality might be roused once more were Mr . Speaker addressed in " The Bay of Biscay ; " or , " Britons , strike home . "

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      T $ 6 NEW \ tltlTIA BILL . The policy ^ ininistirs with respect to our national defences ^ ixp ^ ned on Mond # ' night . Lord John feussEMpaoved ifcat the House resolve itself into a committee o £ the L < h ^ Militia Acts j which being agreed to , " he stated at fciig th what ip was proposed should be done . Referring ¦ $ 1848 , he remarked that he had flien made propositions for the foundation of a permanent military force , which being coupled with propositions for increased taxation , were abandoned , because

      unpalatable to the country . And although there were not at this time any probabilities that the assurances contained in the Queen ' s speech with respect to our foreign relations were likely to prove unsound , yet it could not be assumed that we were ever absolutely secure from the danger of war . He stated as reasons for this assertion that the empire maybe subject to aggression ; that we may be involved in some dispute respecting the rights of our subjects , violated by other powers , or the rights of the subjects of other powers infringed by Us ; that we have treaties of offensive and defensive alliance to observe ; and that as we belonged to the continental system , so were we bound to preserve the balance of power . Later times had added to these

      strong reasons For being prepared , one of great force , namely , the improvement in steam navigation . And notwithstanding this vast change in circumstances , we had not for many years had any material addition to our military force owing to the aversion felt both by Whig and Tory to " largemilitary establishments . " Not only this , but we had not called out our regular militia , a force which , since the Seven Years' War , it has been reckoned wise as well as constitutional to maintain . And what they had to consider was , whether it would be advisable to establish a militia on the old plan or on the plan of the local militia . The old militia differed little from regular troops of the line . They could not , however , be employed out of the United Kingdom > and the local militia could not be employed out of their own

      counties . ~ _ "I will state the nature of the local militia as it was established in 1808 and amended in X&X& , and ^ remained till the end of the war . The local militia were balloted for in the same manner as the regular militia , by a long and expensive process , I think , and when chosen they were assembled and trained for 28 days in the year . They were balloted from all persons "between 18 and 30 years of age , and they were commanded by persons appointed by the Lord-Lieutenant , having certain qualifications in respect of property . With respect to the officers , we propose that two-thirds should be appointed by the

      Lord-Lieutenant , and one field officer and one-third of the captains by the Crown ; so that the regiments may have the benefit of the experience of half-pay officers available for this service , and who must be of great use in assisting the officers appointed by the Lord-Lieutenant . ( Hear , hear . ) We propose that the Lord-Lieutenant should not be bound by the restriction of qualification , but that he should name any persons he may think fit , of course with the approbation of the Crown , ns formerly , but without the requirement that they should be possessed of a certain amount of landed property . It is very desirable that the gentlemen of the county should take the command of the local militia ,

      but we believe that that would be the case without tins qualification being imposed in the act . ( Hear , hear . ) When the original militia laws were framed , there was a very great jealousy of the Crown , and of encroachments upon liberty , and it was supposed that if there was a limitation to persona of property , it would form a security against any attempt of the Crown in that respect ; but our liberties are now so firmly secured , that of all dangers there ia none less than that of an attempt by the Crown , by means of a standing army , to suppress our liberty . ( Hear , hew . ) Witli regard to the men , we propose some alteration from the former plan , according to which all men between 18 and 80 years of ngc were subjected to the ballot . That was a considerable number of years ; and the process of sending round to each householder , and requiring a return of the number of persona in his houso between those ages , was a long and complicated process . Wo conceive that it would be at the same time better , and a great relief to n largo portion of the population , if , taking the force we thought sufficient , wo took in a shorter number of years . We propose , therefore , for the first year , that the ages at which persons should bo subject to ballot for the local militia should bo from 20 to-23 , and in subsequent years that they should be only persons of the nges of 20 to 21 . It ia supposed that the former provision ( from 20 to 28 ) , taking one-fifth ns the mjinber to be balloted , would give a force of about 80 , 000 men , and that in snbsuquont years a number would be procured ( from 20 to 21 ) , amounting to an average of 80 , 000 . In procuring these men , I . think it would not bu necessary to adopt the means taken formerly ; I believe that , with the assistance of tho census of last year , wo should know the number of persons in each county and union who would bo liable to the ballot , and that it would bo

      euillthe ages , ballot would not take place , tiiese yojunteer 3 serving for three instead of f ^ tif years , one ye ^ r less jthan those balloted forand that they should fee drilled for 28 days in the year — -three hours' drill to count for half-a-day . During the period they were out , the local militia would have the same pay and allowance as the regular militia , and be subject to the Mutiny Act . The expense of this measure the noble lord estimated at 200 , 000 / .

      of 15 and 30 volunteeredthe dent jto reqfiltie ajl fgg h persons to present themselves «* a certain day ; ' . ffyty hbfever , is part of the machined , 5 the bija wtefk ^ W ^« * consideration . " ' / Add to * h # J pfotthe county authorities would h present when t ^ e men are balloted for ; that the would be a reserve tftken to suppl y the places of tho ^ who . were e » arn > tedj from . '¦ p hysical defects or othp causes ; that if a sufficient' number of persons betwo /

      The noble lord closed his speech in dead silence There were no cheers . Mr . Reynoeds asked why Ireland was excluded ? Mr . Hume attacked the whole project . He had lived long enough to know that the best way of increasing the military force was to increase the standing army . People ought not to be taken away from their regular employments ; it was unjust . It was a conscription , which would be a heavy and a

      serious burden on the working classes . It infringed the doctrine of the division of labour . An army was necessarily the hot-bed of idleness and immorality . As to the reasons alleged by the noble lord , he could not understand them , unless we were going to renew some holy alliance . France was weaker than ever . The interest of France was to keep tie peace . Besides , where was their navy ? Scattered all Over the glole , instead of being in the Channel . The noble lord

      refused the suffrage to the men whom he subjected to the militia conscription . Now , he should move that every man draughted into the militia should have a vote . This wholesale objection from Mr . Hume was followed Jby a speech froin Colonel Thompson , in which lie attacked Louis Napoleon as utterly untrustworthy , and declared himself grateful for the ministerial

      proposal . Colonel Sibthobp would not tolerate the bill , and he despised the ministers . Sir H . Veenet hotly defended the morality of the army from the allegations ofJiIr . Hume , roundly asserting that " a more honourable , well-conducted , and moral set of men were never collected together than a regiment of British soldiers I " Mr . Matteice O'Connei , Ii hoped Ireland might be included . So far the debate had been tame and level ,

      but now Mr . Cobden rose , and made a most extraordinary speech . ' . " He ~ saia"the" solei qtitotiou for ihv House to consider was , not whether Englishmen were willing to pay for the defence of the country , but whether enough had not been already paid . The people were quite willing to defend the country against unjust aggression . But had not due defence been made . In thirty-seven years we had scandalously voted 250000000 ? . for the navy , alone ; and in the last ten

      ,, years 23 , 950 , 000 * . He would gay that we were abundantly insured . And what did we do with vessels constructed at such a cost ? We sent them to the Tagufl , to the Mediterranean , to the coast of Africa , to tho East and West Indies , to the islands in the South Seas . Now , the whole argument was founded on the fear o invasion . Then why were not these ships ordered home ? The whole argument was founded on tho tear

      of invasion . " Now , I must say , the noble lord , in the speech ho delivered this night , and in the arguments ho used , nw put himself very much in antagonism with what no «» us the other day at the opening of Parliament . < " «»> hear . ) The noble lord on that occasion informed usi inu tho newspaper press of this country had taken great / " )" ties with the President of I ^ rance ; but that that . f utle "J " had lived in England , that ho knew the habits o « nnmtt . rv flmf li ^ knf » w flip , nrfiss wris free , and that , mui b

      it might be licentious , it was not to be taken for gran that what the press said of the President of Franco wm u opinion of tho English people . Now , without ? ^'" J word of objection , to what the noble lord saidI with Kfcjr to the press of this country , I must say I thin * >' contrived to toko up a position which , while it n « _ more menacing to Franco than anything tho news ] ' i can say ( hear , hear ) , has not the excuse that no speaking in tho name of tho English people ( hear , ^ for if you agree to this proposal , to organic a »"""•• 80 , 000 monfLtu set up this force with an clastic oign »>» tion , which may become 110 , 000 or 120 , 000 «*">' ,, £ 4 i » rtv » « iw . * i * ijA i ~ wi « t : n Ar . Cnv vr \ t \ rt \ than too press ,

      , country , which ho took on himself to lecture , to pu ix state of antagonism , with tlio JYcnch im *> JM ° - V do hear . ) But tho noble lord , when ho called on « this , failed to give ono proof that what ho said at ww i ^ ing of Parliament , nnd that which tho _ Bpcecu h « ( o throne declared , was not true , and tjmt his n 88 ClU ^ „„ . the paoillc intentions of tho French Government j founded , —ho failed to show that what tho * ff w uB loads tho Opposition in the other House statedjv founded on tho same point—he had not done a wi' 8

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      HISTORY § f ^ LIAMBNT .

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      iaa THE LEADER . ^ M ^ a ^ 9 . J .. DO . . ^ . ¦ - ¦ . . . ____^ - — ——— •""' " •¦ " — - — ' —~~ . ... .,... ' " .. ' '" . ' — - ¦ ¦

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 21, 1852, page 166, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1923/page/2/