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Leader (1850-1860), 13th December 1851, Edition Town of 2, Page 1177, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      fl l it a r , ainst the despotisms of Europe . This act has *? adv been sustained by the despotic power of Austria , Al have no doubt that you will find it sustained by h Russian Czar , and by all the despotisms of the con-. ent of Europe . Then , if the imperial army of France tin e to have employment , may we not look back to history ? T 1804 had we not a somewhat parallel catastrophe , hen the constitution of France was overthrown by Na-W oleon Bonaparte , and an imperial Government was ^ established in France , as I believe it soon will he in France again . ( Hear , hear . ) What followed on the establishment of the imperial and military power in France 1804 , may it not follow in 1852 ? Now , gentlemen , I hope these events may not follow—I hope that with

      we shall have peace—peace England—peace , if possible , with all mankind . ( Applause . ) There is no 7 ° n « ine Free-trader that can be otherwise than the friend jf peace . ( Applause . ) And I do say this , that I do not Believe that it is the interest of England to ally herself viththe despots of the continent of Europe . ( Hear , hear . ) And I say further , that if upon her refusal to do so , she Should be assailed , by those despotic powers—if , maintaining her own constitutional Government , her own trial by jury , her own liberty of speech and of the press , she should require our aid—I speak what I know to be the unanimous sentiment of my country—the entire American population , backed by their Government , will come as one man , and fight the battle with you , if it be necessary . ( Immense cheering . )"

      "We did not expect to have the Times so soon proclaiming the Anglo-American alliance in the cause of freedom . Yet here it is fresh from yesterday ' s columns . " Beyond the operation of tariffs and financial disputes Mr . Walker casts a prophetic eye at the great conflict between military absolutism and constitutional government , which every day assumes a more serious aspect , which every day draws nearer to this island , and which will one day divide the whole world . These are no two states in the whole world , and never have been , so

      bound to one another , so mutually beneficial , and so able to work together , as the British empire and the United States . At present it seems impossible but that the whole of the continent of Europe should fall into the hands of military despots ; it seems equally impossible that we , with our American brethren , should lose our institutions or our enthusiasm for liberty . Here , then , are the two parties in the great cause that threatens to divide and convulse the whole world . What will be required of us ? What attempts will be made on us ? What crusades ought we spontaneously to undertake ? What assistance in any case are we to expect

      from America ? For our islands we have no fear . Despotism is great on land , but impotent and craven on the sea . Wherever our ships can go , there we have no compeer . As on the former occasion referred to by Mr . Walker , we protect the New World from the tyrannies of the Old . What , then , remains to be done ? Are we expected to land on the continent of Europe , and fight single-handed with four huge military monarchies , mustering two or three millions of armed men ? What degree of assistance are we to expect from America in marching into the centre of Europe ? None ,

      we should think . However , there are many things to be considered . A hundred years ago what was Russia ? A hundred years hence what will be the United States ? An empire , with not far short of two hundred million souls . Should anything happen to us , —should we ever be exposed to unmerited indignity and oppression , and our services to Europe be forgotten , we have only to pray , Exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor , and that the prayer will one day bring across , on occasion , the messengers of a state that can apply to its purpose the resources of a continent and two oceans . "

      Untitled Article

      To the above -we may append an extract from , a letter , dated December 9 , 1851 , from M . Louis Blanc , and printed in the Daily News of Thursday . This is the immortal lesson contained in the events ¦ which have now occurred . I repeat it—let its bearing be studied , let it be understood . The bourgeoisie and the people must be one , and all is saved . And when I say " all is saved , " I speak not only of l'Vance . " To divide Europe into three great empires—a RuNsian empire extending to Constantinople ; an Austrian empire , with the definitive annexation of Italy :

      a I'Vcnc-h empire , with the addition of Belgium . From this new holy alliance between three great despotic entires to cause to arise a war to the death againHt the Democratic party , and against the Liberal and Constitutional party ; to extinguish beneath the armies' tread w hat the absolutist powers call the revolutionary llamethat in to say , whatever lights the human spirit on the way of progress—and if England resistb , to crush her . • . . Such is the plan ( who can doubt it longer ?)—sucli ia the sacrilegious plan of which the Back of I ' uris 's the commencement ; and for the accomplishment of which Jiouis JJonapartc has delivered Franco into the hands of French Cossacks . "On the reality of thin plan , and on the abominable c ° »» ipli « ity which binds to the fortune of the Emperor -NicIioIhh the ambition of Louis Bonaparte , 1 may be ; able v * ''y shortly to publish Home proofs , which I am now in course of collecting :. We can then judge of the important "'" " iienee which Russian gold exercises in the humiliation ami nu . sfo ! tunes of Fiance . " I'he fact that Austrian mid 1 ' ruHian journals and rulern luivti welcomed the new usurper strengthens *! y ry "iispicion , and the obvious complicity of the 'ornnu ; l ' ost innkeH hoiuo explanation imperative "oiu Dowuing-Htreot .

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      CHURCH M AT T E It S . On Tuesday the London Union on Church Matters held its monthly meeting at St . Martin ' shall , when a special report was read and adopted . It is a very important document . Setting out with the declaration that " the freedom of the Church is the one thing they should seek from the state , " tho committee proceed to sketch the conditions of practical action for the accomplishment of that object . They say windy that they have not only to " marshal Church grievances " but to surest a remedy . This is a simple aim , but its realization becomes complex .

      In the firnt place , as they have to obtain their remedy from the state , they consider the " general aspect of political ailairs , " and having in view a general election they suggest to Churchmen their duty on that occasion . Incidentally they remark that in the coining . Reform agitation they " ace no peculiar reasons for alarm . " (< They have confidence that the Divine goodness that has so signally blessed the free institution )* of this country will yet preserve her , even though further changes be made in her constitution , and will give to Churchmen the means of applying to the future government of the Church of England the same principles which have preserved the material prosperity of the country while the greater portion of Europe was in confusion . "

      They recommend to Churchmen the putting away of political prepossessions , and they advise their friends very Hugely . " A dignified , calm , and moderate course , avoiding bitterness , sarcasm , and anything that , could possibly be called tyranny or undue influence , i « that , which the committee would most tit renuoiiHiy recotnmend to their friendH at the approaching election . Such a course , in fact , as in dictated by tin ; consideration that , the cause of («' od demands all our energies , but . refuses to he helped by any action that In mean or wrong . "

      They aj ^ ree that . Parliament a " claim to concur " in the legislation of the Church , but that it would bean outrage for Parliament to make laws for the Church . And they add by the way wluit seems to ufl to embody distinctly tho grout Sin of the Church

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      Dec . , 1851 . ] ffifr * & * && * ¥ + *

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      SHARMAN CRAWFORD AND ROCHDALE . Rochdale is happy in having a representative like Mr . Sharman Crawford , happy also in knowing how to appreciate him for his consistent integrity and unfaltering devotion to the cause of the people . Rochdale elects its member free of expense , sends him to Parliament an independent man , requires of him very properly an account of his doings there , and handsomely acknowledges his services . On Thursday week . Mr . Crawford gave in his account , and obtained a receipt in full with more than honourable mention ; and on Friday , to celebrate the event , his constituents invited him to a public dinner . Mr . Bright , M . P . and Mr . Cobden , M . P . attended to testify the respect and esteem they feel for the man who is respected and esteemed by all radicals , by the generous among his opponents , and who is beloved by his tenantry in County Down .

      At the dinner on Friday Mr . William Chad wick presided . The principal toasts were , *• The Health of Mr . Crawford , " " the Health of Mr . Bright , " and " Success to the members of the late Anti-Corn Law League . " All the toasts were received with great cheering ; but Mr . Crawford having addressed the meeting at great length on the previous day , giving his annual explanation of his Parliamentary conduct , did not speak at any length . Mr . Bright made a speech echoing the faltering oration with which he introduced the programme of reform agreed to by the middle class conference at Manchester . It was Mr .

      Cobden who made the speech of the evening . He gave a humorous account of the venal process by which the majority of small boroughs elect their representatives . He showed that if constituents suffered themselves to be bought , they would have to endure being sold . And he described the tactics of Government when a ministerial crisis shakes the Cabinet , or a hostile motion seems likely to break it in pieces . " The Government tells their whipper-in to send out a circular to all their usual supporters to come and see them in Downing-street . The members go down there to a large room , where the Minister of the day gets on a chair and addresses his friends and supporters , and tells

      them it is his duty to persevere in the course which he has undertaken , and he should regret exceedingly if for want want of support he should find that he was no longer able to carry on the affairs of Government , and be obliged to resign , so that he is determined to stand or fall by the measure which he has proposed . Well , then , no sooner are we dismissed than the whisper goes round that the Minister intends to appeal to the country . Very well . Now , what do you think are the feelings which come across the mind of a man who has been fleeced at St . Alban ' s , or Yarmouth , or Abingdon ? For all the world it is as though some one stood over him with a bludgeon , prepared to demand his money or life ; ' £ 2500 , or vote for the Ministry . ' ( Loud cheers and

      laughter . ) And in sheer apprehension , in downright dread of this enormous fine that will be entailed upon him if he goes down for reelection , in order to escape this present of £ 2500 , or whatever is the amount his election may have cost him the year before , he doubles up and packs up his conscience and votes against his convictions to keep the Ministry in power . ( Cheers . ) So that by the very fact of your having robbed this candidate when he stood for his election , you deprive him of his conscience and independence , inasmuch as he is terrified at the idea of having to come down to he robbed

      by you again . Now , there is another evil in which this results . I am letting you into some state secrets . ( Laughter . ) These are rich men who must pay this money . You cannot have men unless they can command money : you cannot have them in Parliament by such a process as I have been describing . Now , I am going to join in no vulgar abuse of rich men , because we all know that in this country you may find an # ood men , as disinterested men , and prudent men among the rich as among the poor ; but still , after all , it is not desirable that all the men who sit in Parliament should be of

      necessity very rich men , because when you come to questions of economy or retrenchment these very rich men are very apt to measure salaries , official salaries , and other appointments , by a standard far above that which men of the ordinary middle rank of life , if they satin Parliament , would be inclined to think was necessary . I will tell you what happened—for 1 said I was going ; to let you into secrets—what , happened when my friend Mr . Bright , and myself were sitting on a committee . I won ' t tell you what committee it was ( laughter ) , because that would make it personal ; but we were sitting together on a committee appointed to sec if we could agree on a measure of retrenchment . The committee was appointed , some ten or a dozen of us ; we met . and when we sat down to

      the table 1 said to my friend here , who sat ; beside me—1 looked round and saide , ' We should do nothing in this committee , however ; for 1 don ' t believe , with the exception of you and me , there is a man here who is not worth more than £ . 0000 u-year , and it is not . likely they will be ? for cutting down salaries . ' Now , one of the effects of bringing a- large portion of the community into the political arena , by giving them a right , to vote , one « f the effects / should wish , to see follow would he a majority , Ht . rict . ly speaking , of the middle class of life—men who know what it is to stiu ^ le upwards in life---men who know the value of money , by having had to accumulate it . by shillings or by poundn . I should like , if possible , to see a good admixture of that class of men in the House of Commons , (( 'hears . )"

      He rated the Radical constituencies on another point with very great justice . Independent borough * wend Radical roprcBcntutivcH pledged to middle cla » M

      Parliamentary Reform and Peace Society retrenchment . Some of these are able men ; Government quick to perceive that makes an offer of place , employment ; most likely the offered place is accepted , and the radical member goes down for reelection . What follows ? | In nine cases out of ten , reelection , and the Radical constituency becomes virtually a Government borough . "With what justice then is the complaint made that the " Radical Party" can accomplish nothing ? la the last crisis both "Whig and Tory were sent for . The Queen did not dream of calling in the Radicals . Not only this , but both Whig and Tory took occasion to have a " special kick" at tho Radicals thereupon . " "Well , " continued Mr . Cobden , laughing , " I don't complain of that ; I don ' t complam that the Government don't send for me as an official .

      " I dont want to have any mock modesty about it . I tell you honestly , that from opportunities I have had since I have been in Parliament of taking stock of the men who do fill official situations , I am not going to tell you that I believe I could not fill an office as well as any of them . ( Cheers . ) I am not going to affect any such humility , because it would be very great humility ( great cheering and laughter ); but I have no desire . no taste , for it . My craniological development , according to the phrenologists who have manipulated my head , does not show any great organ of self-esteem or ambition . I am abundantly satisfied , I am more than satisfied , with whatever of prominence ot publicity , or fame if you like , I may have had in public life . I do not think it would add to my

      satisfaction , I am sure it could not to my usefulness , for me to be in office , and therefore I have no ambition to be sent for ; but I want to see the men who are sent for in earnest to carry out their principles . I tell you how to do it—to follow the example set by Manchester , who , when their representative ( Mr . Milner Gibson ) , was in the Ministry , plainly indicated that if their member joined the Government , it must carry out certain principles that Manchester desired . ( Hear , hear . ) They valued him too highly to sell him so cheap as to let him go for nothing . This is what will follow—that by retaining those men in our ranks that are now draughted off by the Whigs to become Attorneys-General or Solicitors-General or Masters of the Rolls , or anything you please—Lords of the Treasury or Secretaries of State—instead of draughting off these

      men from our ranks and taking them into the Whig Government , we shall keep them on our benches , and we shall very soon have a party—a party comprising so many men of talent and having such an amount of influence at our backs by the constituencies they represent—honest , firm , independent constituencies , who won ' t allow themselves to be made merchandise of for the aggrandizement of any individual—that we shall stand in a commanding position to say to the Government , ' You must send for us to carry these principles out . ' ( Cheers . ) Now , I want the constituencies of this country—those to whom I have alluded—to follow the example of Manchester and Itochdale , and have sufficient self-respect not to allow their representatives to join any Government that is not going to carry out their principles . "

      Not until a late hour did the party separate . Mr . Crawford announced his intention of retiring from public life at the termination of the present Parliament .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 13, 1851, page 1177, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1913/page/5/