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    labourers and their case formed also a topic . One would think , to read the speeches , labourers were not badly off before Corn Law Repeal ! " If the price of food and every other commodity was to be reduced to the price on the Continent , or to what Mr . Cobden called ' the world ' s price , ' the necessary consequence must be that labour must come down to l the world ' s price ' also . Mr . Jacob , who had been sent by the Government to the different nations of Europe to ascertain the rate of wages , and the price at which each country could export food to England , reported that throughout Germany the labourer received 5 d . per day ( Hear , hear . ) So that if the price of British corn was to be reduced to the Continental level , tine wkges of the labourer must necessarily sink to , the same level , or 5 d . per day . ( Hear , hear . y

    His remedy for the farmer is one which cannot find favour in high places . " Butsupposingthat , after struggling unitedly together , they should fail , speaking as a farmer , he then believed it would be their policy to abandon their cause , to throw up their occupations , and to emigrate at once , letting those who had failed to succour them take the responsibility . ( Cheers . ) He knew the sacrifice they would have to make ; but he said— ' Brother farmers , emigrate as quickly as you can—in your tens and hundreds of thousands , with your wives and your little ones , go and follow the pilgrim fathers , ' for such once before was the consequence of bad government . "

    Mr . Cayley "Worsley was the Peter Grievous of the evening , whose lamentations were almost sublime . He inflamed the ardour of the meeting , and urged energy and perseverance by picturing members of Parliament in different parts of the country " who were throwing cold water on the farmers , and insulting them to their teeth . " He pointed out how landlords were not in earnest , and set the fate of the farmer on success or flight from the earth ! The labourers were biting the dust—and out of

    employment , as if that was unusual at tins time of j r ear ! Lord Stanhope praised the producers and and denounced the great landlords , who , with " detestable selfishness , " had not attended public meetings , and had been silent spectators of their country ' s ruin . Mr . Ball had pointed out how Financial Heform had been recruited by deserters from the National Association . Lord Stanhope went a great deal further . The following new Conservatism Avas loudly applauded .

    " What ! bow to the decision of the next or any other House of Commons , in which the great majority of the working classes were not represented ? Were they to bow to a House of Commons , the great majority of whose members had been elected by the foulest bribery and corruption ? Were they to bow to a House of Commons consisting of similar persons to the present , the majority of whom did not deserve or en joy the respect and confidence of the country ? Were they to bow to a House of Commons elected by ten pounders , who must outnumber all the county votes , even if they were unanimous ? And what should lie say of the House of Lords , which was not a fluctuating body ? Should they bow to the decision of that degenerate assembly , when the noble dulto in the chair had stated once , in his presence , that he had looked in vain among the majority who voted for the repeal of the Corn-laws for twelve honest men ?"

    11 <; also made this peculiar statement which is not at all improbable . " It was liis firm conviction that , tbecause of protection would ultimately triumph , although it mi ^ ltt not . be till ruin had overspread the land , and been succeeded t > y a social revolution , which he foresaw was now at the very ihrv . sliold of our doors . The attachment oj the ju ojile to t /' i : ancient institutions of the country wan shaken , and in man ;/ counties , unionist the . farmers , republican doc tnnes were now prevalent , " " Winding up proceedings , the Duke of Richmond commented on th < : above , and by identifying rudeness and republicanism showed clearly his enlightened estimate ol the latter .

    " J . jord Stanhope had said that a republican feeling was gaining ground ainimf * the fanners in . some parts of the country . He ( the Chairman ) could only say that there was not a hustings in Knglaud where he could not take the chair anil be rcs / x-cfful / i / treated , and then they could judge , if they would so receive a . peer , whether there could he much iniMiliiel in the republicanism which was spoken of . ( ( 'hccrti . y The . inllux of provincial Protectionists was ho great that the dinner to Unit shining light , Mr . ( J . F . Young , M . J \ , had to he split , into two parts , over one of which Mr . IOIIiiimi presided , ami the redoubtable Mr . J ' aul Foskett over the ; other . The , speeches delivered were of the common staple .

    Mr . Foskett caught 11 glimpse of the truth when he said that * ' the great principle of . Protection was the only just , one , and that . the . principle of free trade , or vain petition , wus . calculated to pull down rather than build iij ) national greatness . ( Hear , hear . ) The foundation of national strength and greatness wits cooperation , a principle diametrically opposed to competition . " Yesterday ' s proceedings betray the profound limitation in the agricultural mind on social quest ions ; mid teach us that protection in the Richmond sense is very different ; horn the protection demanded by the tenant farmers .

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    POSITION OF AFFAIRS IN FRANCE . Not much is to be said respecting the progress of Louis Napoleon ' s usurpation at Paris , unless we were to repeat the diatribes , admirable in their force , with which the English leading journal is redeeming its position in public opinion . But it may be useful to mark one or two broad results thus far ascertained . Louis Napoleon has for the moment established himself . As an act of criminal conspiracy , his robbery of power has been well prepared , well timed , and well executed . He had been sedulous

    in securing the confidence of the army : its officers have been nattered by persevering attentions and ingenious compliments ; its men have been won by the closest attention to their personal comfort ; and , in the mean while , active training has been kept up with a perseverance and vigour unknown to our parade grounds . The soldier of France has been put into training like an English racehorse , or rather like an English prizefighter or a Roman gladiator ; and lie has executed his work with a chill , a cruel thoroughness , a cool devotion to it , unequalled in modern times by any but Austrian or Russian

    forces . Those forces have been similarly trained , similarly divided from the people , similarly used The time was well chosen : France was divided by factions , which were all discredited by their own wavering and unpatriotic acts . The majority of the Assembly had betrayed the universal suffrage which created it ; and had then fallen to quarrelling with itself . Louis Napoleon slips in between the wearied combatants , like the Wolf between the Lion and the Tiger , and seizes the prize for which the less ignoble beasts were contending , France . Only one party had not been untrue to its principles—the

    Socialist . But we now understand the systematic perseverance of false reports in Galiynani ' s Messenger , about " Socialist amusements , " representing every mob folly and cruelty as originating with " the Socialists , " though , in most cases , the text showed that the subject had nothing to do with the party or the doctrines of Socialism . It now turns out that , while other Paris journals are surpressed and correspondents of English papers are threatened , ( hilignaiii's Messenger reports as the usurping ( lovernment wills . The Socialist party was made the object of calumnious rumours ,

    that it contemplated a rising on the Sunday ; we know , within our own knowledge , that the assertion is wholly untrue ; the Times and other English journals publish proofs that , the conspiracy was a mere figment . But it was desired to damage the repute of the only consistent party in France—of tlu : only " party of order , " which teaches organization of its people , and toleration even of enemies . The stroke of military power was professedly directed against the Socialist parly , which was not in the field ; but the opportunity liafn been taken

    to imprison and slaughter its members wherever they could be caught . Neither the middle- class , nor the working class as a body , took part in the resistance . They arc : watching events . The false reports to draw them out , the hired actors of barricade-fighting intended as decoys , were but partially sueessful . . For the moment , at a cost of one oflicer and fifteen men in his own army , and of 2700 of his fellow-creatures among the citizens , most ; of them wen : spectators , or passengers in the streets , Louis Napoleon has obtained military possession of the capital and of the <« overniiieiit .

    lie holds it solely by military power , during the suppression of every civil institution or influence . What is thought of it ? The answer is melancholy , ( u Franco tin ; burgeoisio is divided . It still clings to hopes of "quiet , " that trade may go on . lint the , usurper ' s soldiery have cut deep into the flesh and blood <> f many a family : in tears ami terror the sabre and the , bullet have , howii a bloodied seed of hatred , which will not be hmu in

    springing up . The masked quiescence ^ f + v National Guard is not « tranqSv ^ L { that the feeling of the Parisians is not at all fiZ ? able to Louis Napoleon personally , although num bers are willing to see - order" kept . The boh ? and haughty refusals to accept any connection with his Government , show the , feeling of the Notables nf all parties and circles . The working classes are willing enough to witness war between President and faction ; but they are true to the Republicand they , too , have been deeply scarred by the in discriminate slaughter . In England there are those

    who rejoice at the triumph of " order , " at the betrayal of the republic ; our wealthier classes contribute largely to that number . But the Time ' s represents the more general feeling ; although the moneyed world is counselling silence , forbearance and indulgence for the outlaw , lest England be "dragged into a war" ! The working classes generally , sympathize with the oppressed people , and do not fear war . On the whole , the balance of feeling is decidedly against the usurper .

    And he cannot maintain his position without measures that must exasperate such feeling . The fact remains , that for the moment he has possession of France through its capital . He has established an outpost of that great combined force which Austria and Russia command . France is reduced to the level of Italy and Hungary under the proconsul of the two Emperors . As in all the states under Austria and Russia , in Italy , Hungary , and Germany , the soldiery and police are employed in a general razzia , not upon the Democratic partyalone , but upon Constitutionalists ,

    Legitimists , Imperialists even—upon all who are not willing to be servile subjects of Absolute power . The evident intention is to root out freedom and freemen . Take a map of Europe , wherever that sanguinary despotism extends colour it with a blood-red tint , and see how large a part of Europe it takes in : continually spreading , it now includes France .

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    A FREE CHURCH ! Suffering for the sins of the last century , afflicted for having forgotten that it ought to be a Church for the People as well as being a Church for the Aristocracy and the Crown , corrupted by unthinking submission to the State , and shameless Erastianism of the blackest dye , convicted of selfseeking , convicted of simony , abject and subject to the powers that be , the Church wakes up from long tarrying among the sons of Mammon , and at length cries aloud for freedom . " From a Becket she has lapsed through Cranmers , Burnetts , and Hoadleys , down to the Sumners of our day ; until , to the young earnest minds who have taken up her cause and calling—threatened by Rome on the one hand and Germany on the other—and , above all , thoroughly ashamed of the quietism and selfishness of State-churchmen—life in the Church without action is no longer possible for them . And so they arise and cry : Let us have freedom for the Church ; let us be honest ; let us subject the temporal to the spiritual ; let us render to Caesar the things which be Cesar ' s , but unto God the things which be God's , and take the consequences . There is a bravery and a chivalry in this winch we cannot too warmly welcome . However much we ma y disagree with the ulterior aims of this English Free Church party , led by the Archdeacon of Taunton , and represented by the London Union on Church Mutters , there is a truthfulness , a righteousness , and a nobleness in this demand which commands our deepest respect , and shall have our heartiest support . The mission of the Church of Kngland may be at an end , and no more good form as a people may come out of it ; but the mission , the duty of truthfulness is never at an end , and is as incumbent now upon the Church of England as upon the rest mankind . It is in this spirit we look upon the movement represented by the clerical persons assembled in St . Martin ' s-hall on Tuesday ; and it is in tins . spirit that we welcome the report there adopted , an abstract of which we print elsewhere . That report is an event in Church History . Clear , definite , honest , without evasion of any kind , : i logical dcvelopeincnt of the fundamental position of the party—freedom for the Churdithat report is a starting point whence , tlie l r «« Church party may safely advance towards the realization of tlicir aims . It is morn than this . it lays down maxims new m the history ol any Church party . It not only declares a want ol oonhdeneo in political parties , but it recommend abstinence from political interference , for it pro-

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    There is nothing so revolutionary , because there 13 nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . Arnold .

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    —r ^ SATURDAY , DECEMBER 13 , 1851 .

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    1182 &f > * % t& * tX + [ Saturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 13, 1851, page 1182, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1913/page/10/