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Leader (1850-1860), 6th December 1851, Edition Town of 2, Page 1162

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      interest until redeemed . This sum , it is proposed , should be advanced by instalments to capitalists , landlords , and public companies , an equal amount of capital being in each case subscribed by the recipients . These sums to be invested , subject to the inspection of such commissioners , in the adaptation of waste lands to productive settlement—in the completion of absolutely necessary railway and road communications—the improvement of lands already under imperfect tillage—the construction of cheap cottages—the encouragement and improvement of the fisheries—the formation of harbours and breakwaters , and other useful and remunerative purposes . The companies or other borrowers to divide the lands so prepared , and to assign them in freehold to farmers of good character in consideration

      of payment by instalments . It is at this point that Mr . Bridges avails himself of the beautiful principle of life assurance by a system which he terms " Freehold Assurance , " and which , according to Arthur Scratchley * , may be applied to colonization generally . On this principle the allotments would be disposed of by conveying the fee simple to chosen persons—who would at once enter upon and profitably cultivate the same—subject to a terminable rent charge , a part of which would consist of the capital expended , and would be a rent such as is usually hire of landwhile the remainder

      paid for the ; would consist of the premiums paid by the allottees on the ordinary principles of life assurance to secure for each the payment at his death of a sum equal to the estimated value of his particular allotment . On the death of one oi these original allottees the sum assured would not be paid to his representatives , but in lieu thereof they would become possessors of an unencumbered Freehold Estate . The payment of the annual rent charge to the company during the life of the first occupier would be secured by a mortgage on the property .

      "This scheme , " says Mr . Scratchley , "is peculiarly fitted for the amelioration of the present condition of Ireland , as in that country extensive tracts of land might be purchased at so low a rate that if they were adapted to the proposed purpose with proper skill and oeconomy , the rent charge , estimated as above , need not greatly exceed the sum which , under the present system of landlord and tenant , is frequently paid as rent alone for even temporary occupation ; while it would at the same time be sufficient to realize a large interest for the capital originally expended . "

      The plan offers a means of bringing- about a complete change in the social condition of Ireland . It would create a body of independent yeomen possessed of the strongest inducements to industry : namely , that the fruits of their exertion would be all their own ; while , from the concentration of the care and diligence of each farmer on a limited acreage , the land would be brought into a high and profitable state of cultivation .

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      POLITICAL LETTERS . I . EnOLA . N 1 > NOT DoWNlNQ-STltEET . To A a . December 4 , 1851 . Most Excellent Fkienu ,- —I break through the impersonal once more , to ( leal the more directly with affairs that suffer on all hands from the want of dealing with them directly . Let us see how the Peoples arc fooled .

      The revolution of the Prince-President has not been without its effect in this country . It is generally understood , with something more than probability , that there was to have been a Ministerial crisis in London on Wednenday—that , tolerated no longer by the CJrey section of the Cabinet , Lord Paliuerston was to have " gone out , " by resignation or otherwise ; I ) ut that in the face of events it had been decided not to expose the country to the consequences of a Ministerial crisis ; and so Lord Palnierston was suffered to remain . Think of the Whig Cabinet without Palinerston !

      I only wonder that he consented to remain . It is aluo said , con jeeturally , that if he bad departed , the fact might have led to the break Tip of the whole Cabinet , and a general resignation . Possibly ; but what then ? According to these rumours " Ministerial crisis" in Downing-stieet , lias been superseded by revolution in Paris . Hut the public has not yet learned the whole of the machinations of which accidents give uH ' glimpNCN . The designs of the Prince-President were evidently known in London , though not to the French refugees . It is Industrial Investment and limiy ration , liy Arthur Scratohley , M . A ., Actuary to the Weutcrn Life Anflurance Society . London : J . VV . Parker .

      well known that the Prince-President counts on the support of Austria and Russia ; and has not Russia any means of communicating with London ? The French people has been taken by surprise , in a manner the most insulting to its sagacity and will of action ; and we see it before our eyes undergoing the mixed process of cajolery and dragooning . But is the English people a jot clearer as to the way in which its interests are disposed of , its resources used against itself , its money and arms placed at the disposal of the diplomatic craft and Russia ; the Prince-President being the protege of Russia ?

      It is wonderful to see how peoples consent to be gulled , because they will not insist on the only certain means to be secured against it—open government . The Prussians are peering into the speech of their King , like the wise men of Gotham looking through a millstone , to see what is meant by the extraordinary and total omission of all allusion to foreign affairs : poor Frederick William , who does not always know his own mind , has held his tongue , and the people feel that there is a wonderful and formidable force in that dreadful silence . It only means , indeed , that he will arrange all those things according to his own will , —and the millions of Prussians can ' t help it . But are we in England any better off ? Assuredly not . If we do

      not all of us see the way in which our Government uses our means to maintain Despotism abroad , exclusive legislation , standing armies and huge taxation at home , it is because some of us suffer ourselves to be gulled and befooled by the great many-headed Humbug in Downing-street . The thing is plain enough , if you only look for it . We consent to be put off with promises and assurances , and permit a set of men , who give us little else , to arrange our affairs in secret . Thus we are cheated of everything we covet at home , abroad , and in the colonies—of everything , from sanitary reform , to a real alliance with friendly nations , and justice for Cape Colonists , Australians , Canadians , and West Indians .

      Take the case of alliance . There are several nations now manifesting the most earnest desire for practical alliance with England . Agricultural Hungary desires a peaceful intercourse with manufacturing England , but is barred by that Austria with whom her Majesty is " at peace . " Italians are transmitting repeated tokens of gratitude for English sympathy ; but we are " at peace" with their destroyer ? Cuba is not off the cards yet . We know that it would be impossible to contravene what we have said as to the fact that " England " has not been committed to the hostile position falsely

      asserted by Louis Napoleon ; but " England has been exchanging courtesies witli Spain , and has obtained a rather exclusive pardon of certain English accomplices in the Cuban invasion ; and Spain says that she intends to maintain Cuba . She cannot . Cuba belongs geographically to the possessors of the Mississippi . That vast river is the artery of a valley still vaster , which will develope the highest political life of the great Republic ; and the Americans will not long tolerate the possession of Cuba by an alien power . " England , " however , is " at peace " with Spain ; and Louis Napoleon , though he recounted falsely , may have prophesied truly .

      England , the true England , has no interest in the retention of Cuba by Spain , so long as it does not fall into the hands of a hostile power , which would embroil us with our countrymen , the colonists of the West Indies . But why should the American possession of Cuba embroil us ? Are not the Americans equally our countrymen , by blood , language , and political ideas ? Are they not more so than any other race ? Certainly : and there could be no difficulty in the matter if the Americans and English really understood each other . But we leave these things to our officials to manage in secret ; and they always embroil the English nation most with its best friends .

      The Americans have a difficulty in understanding why wo do so . They are only now beginning to understand that the " Great Britain" of official despatches does not mean the inhabitants of the inland ho called , but only certain gentlemen in Downing-Ktreet . Still they can't understand why the great English nation suffers itself to be misrepresented . I can toll them why , and I shall do my best to make them understand it .

      The rcaHoiiH are these— -the English People is a disfranchised People ; oppressed by unequal laws , it is oppressed by trade difficulties and ceaseless toil ; and it is a disarmed People . Being unrepresented , it has accustomed itself to see the power of " Great Britain" disposed of by certain official

      gentlemen without interference . The exoZ ^ T ^ i seventh of the English People , which is * sented , is partly cajoled , partly tricked out onL suffrages , partly bribed . Powerless , gulled « J bribed put of its self-respect , the English Peon ]/ the English nation , does not assert its political pv istence . Bankruptcy , is the fiend that dogs th heels of the trader , and makes him hope in Heaven's sake , that there will be no disturbance because it would be e < bad for trade . " He has n national pride : as an old Jerry Sneak has outlived " all the romance of youth , " the Englishman of the counter has lived down all national pride . Americans , ' cute as they are in business , can scarcely conceive this . Beaten down by unequal

      combination laws , bad Poor Law , and every contrivance for destroying independence , the working classes toil from dawn till night , and have no time for national action . Besides , they are disarmed . Arms have been taken away from the People , and given to a special class paid by Government : the soldiery is taught to despise , and therefore to dislike , the People ; the People unjustly to dislike the soldier

      If the People shows any exercise of will , the police orders it to " move on " ; if it stands its ground , then " the military are called out " to " put down ' ' the People . Popular will is a joke to your veterans of Whitehall , civil as well as military . It is naturally so : a disarmed People is an object , if not of grief , of contempt . The commanders of its garrison can always dictate to it and use its name .

      These are the reasons why the English People , although profoundly embued with sympathy for the American People , its institutions and gallant nationality , suffers false voices to speak for it in words of alienation and hostility . The English People desires to be allied with America : yet the " Great Britain " of official despatches may go to war with America in support of Donna Isabella and the Madrid Downing-street . For every capital of Europe has its Downingstreet , and all Downing-streets are confederated together .

      The first effort of the English People to extricate itself from this degraded , ruinous position must be , to insist upon tearing the v eil from secret diplomacy and secret officialism . Lord Palmerston going , we believe , against the natural frankness and boldness of his disposition , justifies secret diplomacy as the means of making good " bargains " : nations don ' t want to make " bargains . " A sham bargain may be a gain to the few at the expense of the many ; but somebody must always lose by it . Nations want no waste of that kind . They want justice , peace , and liberty—thorough understanding with between classes

      each other , good understanding , and individual liberty to labour , to help fellow labourers , and to enjoy existence . Such blessed results are not to be attained by " bargains : to attain them , each People must hold its own power in its own hands , and oblige its Government to render an open account of all its action . 1 eopics can help one another in attaining those great results , by an alliance of Peoples against the coniederacy of Downing-streets . Every nation set free should be a help to the rest : America is tree . But the first step is for the friends of the 1 eop le themselves to speak out , directly and openly , icu truth and shame the—Diplomat . Thornton Hunt .

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      SOCIAL REFORM . Owing to an extraordinary P [ " ^ "J ^^ Sodal we are compelled to omit the " Notes ot a d ( Economist . ' -

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      '" III « ToJtv .-Man H ' twofijd . nature n , " ^^ History . " He is of earth , but . «»» "™ *» d hi . with the stars . Mean and pottyhiB J ^ UI 1 ( 1 desires ; yet they serve a houI exalted w "" « hoUg hts gloriouB aimB , with immortal longing ™ \ hr ^ V which sweep the heaven * and wana , ^ eternity . " A pigmy-tending on ^ S ****** of this Hmull planet , hu . fnr-rc-ii lung J d n tht . reIl l ,,,, o outwards and upwards to thelnhmt e a . id , . findH reHt . History i » a reflex thw « i d Every epoch has two aspcctH ,- -om . cam , Holenm-looking toward . J « crn . ty , the . o j i x . -i-v « nt mid conluBcu ¦" veiiemem »» --

      __ .....,., tilted , potty , , , urc . Mw wards lime . Through the one « h » c J I ^ Bteady light of princip le ; througli the f fh 0 glimpse of the vexed drama « 1 » un £ » PJ . b 1 ow ono reveals to u » th « moveu < iit oi j . u" ;„„„ ,, f solemn , and majestic , hke ^ •» f £ « J £ * u 8 day » ; creation , in vrhoae Hto J- . entitea " £° ^ e . p » - tho other HhowH ua the hui ) i » K "Kg fri . activity eiouB impulaeaof ^^^^'^ 'Jcat movement . - i » uiiconBOiouBly producing tne K British Quarterly Review , No . J , * .

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      1162 SClte & * && **? [ Saturday , I — ^^^~ " ' m' ' * I ¦ ! ¦ I Ml ¦¦ ¦ I - ,- I ^ " ^^^^^ ^" W "> " ^—^ " * " ^ - ^_———¦¦ | ,,, ^

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 6, 1851, page 1162, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1912/page/14/