On this page
-
Text (1)
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
of inconsistency in being there that night—he a member of the Peace Society , by magnifying the influence of opinion . And he referred to 1848 as a period which tested the growth of the influence of opinion in European politics . " They had had some revelations lately about Naples , published by a distinguished and most able member of the English Parliament . Let them ask the ruler of Naples of Rome , of any of the oppressed Governments of Italy whom they feared most , and they would find it was Mazzini . ( Cheers . ) Let them follow the course of the vouns Emperor surrounded by 500 , 000 bayonets , and
see when his cheek turned pale , and they would find it was with dread of the man who now sat on their platform an exile . { Cheers . ) This Emperor with all his power could not raise as much money in the London market as the humblest merchant in Manchester . ( Cheers . ) And here he mast say one of the most magnanimous and generous acts of Mr . Cobden ' s life was to call a public meeting to denounce the system of foreign loans to carry on war . ( Cheers . ) In that one act he had done riore for freedom in England than if he had raised a regiment of horse or had equipped a ship of war . ( Cheers . ) He came to the c onclusion that the hand of death was upon the old Governments of Europe . "
Hungary first claimed their sympathies ; they owed something to Sicily . Rome suffered from a Government the very direst compound that ever came up out of the laboratory of evil—( great cheers )—a Government half priest , half policeman . ( Loud cheers avid laughter . ) Tiombardy was oppressed by the rule of Austria ; of Venice it might be said : — 41 Suabian ruled , where now the Austrian reigns , And tyrants trample where an Emperor knelt . " "We had sinned too deeply , he thought , in the past , by intervention in the affairs of others , and could not come into court with clean hands . Peace was more useful to the march of freedom than regiments and fleets . "We wanted a moral revolution at home in these matters : —
" They wanted their Foreign-office to be swept out with no friendly besom . ( Cheers . ) There was no enemy to liberty so great and all pervading as the system of secret diplomacy and intrigue . The Foreign-office was as well now as ever it had been ; but he must lift up his voice against the system under which the voice of the people of England was shut out , and they knew not what was done till their interference was too late . ( Cheers . )" He had hope for the Hungarian cause , for he believed there was such a thing as a resurrection for a trampled nation .
The address , seconded in a few words by Mr . Kershaw , Jwas carried unanimously and presented to Kossuth , together with eleven addresses from neighbouring towns , and several others from independent bodies . Louis Kossuth arose from his seat , and up rose the meeting also , and there was immense , indescribable cheering—waves of cheers rising and falling , vast , sustained , gusts of cheers taken up and continued for several minutes , and innumerable hats and kerchiefs waving and fluttering to and fro . He said
that the reception he had met with , the demonstrations of public opinion he had beheld in London , Birmingham , and Manchester , and those demonstrations loudly proclaimed— " Ye oppressed nations of Europe , be of good cheer ; the hour of delivery is at hand . " And he knew that in a constitutional country that public opinion must , in the end , be obeyed . Referring to the assertions of some suspected journal that the Kossuth demonstrations are got up and are altogether hollow , he said it was not eo , but that the demonstration was in favour of freedom as opposed
to despotism . " I say that the very source of these demonstrations is the instinctive feeling of the people —( hear , hear ) — that the destiny of mankind has come to the turning point of centuries ; it is the cry of alarm upon the ostenfible approach of universal danger ; it is the manifestation of the instinct of self-preservation , roused by the instinctive knowledge of the fact , that the decisive UUBgle , the det . tiny of Europe , was near , and that no people , no country , can remain unaffected by the issue < pf this great struggle of principles . ( Applause . ) The despotic governments of Europe feel their approaching death , and , therefore , they will come to the
death-• truggle . ( Hear , hear . ) And I hope this struggle is Unavoidable ; and because it is called forth by them , it will be the last in mankind ' s history . That is the stale of the case , as I conceive it , gentlemen . It is not my Individuality it is not my presence which has aroused any feeling or sentiment ; I am nothing but the opportunity Whioh elicited the hidden spark—the opportunity at which the existing Instinctive appreciation of approaching d&nger caused in every nation the cry to burst forth —the loud cry of horror . Or else , how could even the « no » t skilful sophist explain the fact of the universality of restricted to where
those demonstrations , not I am present—not restricted to any climate—not restricted to the peculiar character of a people—not restricted to a tale organization—but spreading through the world like the pulsation of one heart—like tho spark of heaven ' s li ghtning . ( Loud chtort . ) Tho addresses , full of the n » oat generous sentiments , which I am honoured with in England , are the effeots of my presence ; but I am but the spark which kindles a feeling whioh has long existed , from the people of the metropolis down to the solitary hamlets hidden by neighbouring mountains from the buslneao of public life , ( Applause . ) And I humbly
entreat you to consider that this feeling is not restricted even to England ; there is the public of the United States—( applause)—Italy , France , the noble English garrispn in Gibraltar , the warm-hearted Portuguese , have all joined in these views ; and on the very day when a deputation came over to England to honour me with the greeting of Belgium—that lofty monument of the love of freedom , and of its indomitable force—even on that very day I got the knowledge of a similar demonstration in Sweden—the future left wing of the forces of freedom . ( Applause . ) Now , gentlemen , is tbis an accident ? Is this fashion ? ( Applause and laughter . ) Is this personal ?" Certainly not . He felt that a decisive struggle in the destiny of mankind is drawing near .
" How blind are those men who have the affectation to assert that it is only certain men who push to revolution the continent of Europe , which , but for their revolutionary plots , would be quiet and contented . ( Laughter . ) Contented ! ( Renewed laughter . ) With what ? ( Loud and long shouts of laughter . ) With oppression and servitude ? France contented , with its constitution subverted ? Germany contented—with being but a fold of sheep , pent up to be shorn by some thirty petty tyrants ? ( Loudcheers and laughter . ) Switzerland contented , with the threatening ambition of encroaching despots ? Italy contented , with the King of Naples ? or with the priestly government of Rome—the worst of human inventions ? ( Cheers . ) Austria , Rome , Prussia ,
Dalmatia contented , with having been driven to butchery , and after having been deceived , plundered , oppressed , and laughed at as fools ? Poland contented with being murdered ? ( Cries of indignation . ) Hungary , my poor Hungary , contented with being more than murderedburied alive—( loud cheers )—for it is alive ? What I feel is but a weak pulsation of that feeling which peryades the breasts of the people of my country . ( Cheers . ) Russia contented with slavery ! ( Hear . ) Vienna contented ! Lombardy , Pesth , Milan , Venice , Russia , contented ! Contented with having been ignominiously branded , burned , plundered , sacked , and its population butchered , and half of the European continent contented ¦ with the scaffold , with the hangman , with the prison , with having no political to innumerable millions
rights at all ; but having pay for the highly beneficial purpose of being kept in serfdom ! ( Cheers . ) That is the condition of the continent of Europe—( hear , hear )—and is it not ridiculous and absurd in men to prate about individuals disturbing the peace and tranquillity of Europe ? ( Hear . ) How ia it that there are no revolutionizing movements in England ? Why no attempt to disturb the peace and tranquillity of England ? Because you want no revolution . ( Hear , hear . )" But on the Continent it is not so . There absolutism and perjury triumph , and liberty and nationality lie chained and bleeding . The people had fought on the promise of freedom . With what result—the treaty of Vienna .
" I would appeal to the public opinion of the worldand I would appeal to those very statesmen of England who belong to the very retrograde school—to them I would appeal as to those who had made terms without the sanction or consent of nations . ( Hear , hear . ) And I would put to them the question , ' Is the present condition of Europe that for which the people of England shed their blood in torrents ?—is it that for which England spent its innumerable millions , the , interest of which you have to pay now , and will have to pay hereafter }—( hear)—I > ak the question , is the condition of Europe that which the people of England were willing to guarantee , and which God purposed Bhould be the case ? ' "
Kossuth pointed out how the Hungarian question -was a European , question , and how this was not only his opinion , but that of the eminent American , Mr . Walker , who thought that the time was come for England and A merica to be the champions of freedom . He was going to the United States , and ho would do all he could to bring about a union between the two countries : — " Commerce is the locomotive of principles . ( Cheers . ) Your glorious destiny is to offer by your hand the support of the public opinion of England to the United States , for the purpose of union in the policy of both countries in respect to Europe . That union , 1 say with perfect conviction , would be the turning point in the destinies of Europe and mankind ; it would be the victory of the principle of freedom , because the United States
and England united , they will not , and they cannot Hide but with freedom . That \ a to be one point , gentlemen , for which I must humbly ask the support of Manchester in the counsels of the city , which is in all respects in tine most intimate , connection with the United Stutc-8 . When I go to the United States in some few days , it will be—I will consider it to be—one of my duties to try if there 1 cannot be a humble opportunity for this union , an I was a humble opportunity for the promulgation of the solidarity sentiment of nations for the principles of liberty ; and I have Home hope , with your generous aid , to Hucce . ed ; first , because there iw in the United States already a gr < at p irty which profenses an inc lutation and a propensity to unite with Knglund in its policy towards the world . Secondly , because the fate of Hungary ban already somewhat contributed to change tho old rivalries between the two brothers into tho most
brotherly feeling , Both countries have united in rt-ucuing me from captivity . ( Cheers . )" Ho gavo the following definition of non-intervention . " Tho . principle of non-intervention is the- recognition and th « acknowledgment of the several right of every nation to dittpone of its own domestic conoirns ; and no I tako it aa a principle , thut though we have not the right
to interfere with the domestic affairs of another country , whether it chooses to be a Republic or a Monarchy , or chooses to be even a Despotism , so as it depends on its own will , that is what I assume to be the principle of non-intervention—the acknowledgment of the several right of every nation to dispose of themselves . ( Loud cheers . )" Free-trade , he said , was not carried—but cheaper bread was carried ; Free-trade will not be carried until the products of England have free accession into the markets of Europe , from , which by the Absolutionist principle they are excluded ,. He entered largely into the Peace Question ; declared himself to be at one with the Peace Association in fundamental principles , but what he wanted was real peace—not simply non-resistance .
" Although , " he finally exclaimed , " I would have peace to all nations of Europe , I would have peace and not prisons , because if they have prisons , they will have armies ; nations cannot be free so long as the moral conduct continues to be sacrificed to the interest of certain families—so long as the entire system of the affairs of the greatest part of Europe can be summed up in these few words , * The people pay because I want soldiers and spies to keep up my power . ' That is not peace . They are chains which God has not created for the world . ( Cheers . )" Again he denounced the secrecy of diplomacy , and said that every interior question , of England was resumed in the Foreign-office . Towards the close of his oration he took occasion to correct a report which emanated from the French proscrits .
" Here I take the opportunity to declare that it is true I for my own country and for myself have convictions , I consider that after what has happened in Hungary , if it were the most monarchical country in Europe , still the mere establishment of it is impossible , because the treachery of the House of Hapsburg has blotted out every hope of it . But it never came to my mind to have the pretension to go round through the world to preach government principles . Wherever I go , I acknowledge the right of every nation to govern itself as it pleases , and I will say that I believe freedom can dwell under different forms of government . This I say , because gentlemen whom I have had the honour to answer upon an address presented to me—of course , not having quite
well understood my words—have given such a report as that I should have said , I considered in Europe there was no other form of government possible—no other really constitutional form of government than a Republic . That was a misunderstanding . I never said so . ( Loud cheers . ) I consider that a form of government may be different , according to the peculiar circumstances of a nation . Freedom exists in England under Monarchical Government as under Republican Government . There social order is established . Combine my Republican convictions with the principle of respect for the security of persons and property . ( Applause . )" Concluding a noble speech with these noble words , he sat down amid a perfect tempest of applause .
" And , therefore , I end with these words : —People of Manchester , let not the world , let not history say that on the eve of the last struggle between despotism and liberty , you had nothing better to give to the principle of freedom than the compassion of tender hearts . ( Cheers . ) People of England , shout out with manly resolution to the despotB of the world , like the people of old , that the world shall be free—and you have given freedom to the world . " Dr . Vaughan moved the tlianlcs of the meeting to the Government and people ot the United States .
In referring to what Mr . Bright had said in favour of peace Dr . Vaughan said , no man had a stronger sense of the horrors of war than he had . There was only one thing more horrible and that was absolutism . This sentiment wus loudly cheered . And at the conclusion of his speech he offered his hand to Kossuth in the name of Yorkshire and Ijancushirc . Kossuth rose at a bound and seized it warmly amid the heartiest cheers of the assembly . Mr . Bagley proposed a vote of thanka to the Sultan ; after which M . Kossuth proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman , and the proceedings terminated .
AT BIRMINGHAM ACIAIN . Kossuth left Manchester about half-past eleven , and proceeded to Birmingham . The same popular ovation attended his return to the " most democratic town in England" as had marked his progress ; the stations were crowded ; the servants of the company highly enthusiastic ; musketry and cannon wore tired on the arrival of the train , and the hand-shaking wus something terrible . Arrived at the Town-hall , Mr . Seholeneld , M . I * ., presented the address to Kossutb , agreed to l > y
inhabitants of Birmingham ; it was followed by one from French residents in Hirmiiigli'iiii . The Reverend Mr . Lillie presented one from inhabitants of Coventry ; Mr . Alderman Mokh one from inhabitants of Derby ; the Mayor of Northampton preHenled an address from inhabitan t * of that town ; t . be Mayor oi Worcester and a deputation , an uddie . sH from the lown Council of Worcester ; the Mayor oi Wnkefield , an address from inhabitants ol that place ; and tho Reverend Mr ( Jibson and a deputation , an address from inhabitant * of Kidderminster .
M . KoH . suth nit id ii few words in acknowledgment , promising » written answer to the addresses , and referring the parties also to the observations which he hoped to make in the courne of tho evening in th « hull .
Untitled Article
Nor . 15 , 1851 . ] G , % t VLtatiev . 1079 —————^^—~——*~—*————— - — . n ¦¦ ..-- , - , . ^ —^———^——m^— »^— . mm * m —¦¦————^^— . ^__—^ JJ——^^—i ¦ . i , ¦ ¦
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 15, 1851, page 1079, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1909/page/3/
-