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    Hungary has fairly exhausted every peaceful means of self-preservation ; it is not under the rule of the king , but under the iron oppression of a tyrant , who conquered Hungary by calling in sacrilegiously to his aid the armies of the Czar . So Hungary is not under government , but under a foreign intruder , who is not King of Hungary , being neither acknowledged by the nation nor sanctioned by law . Hungary is , in a word , in a state of war against the Hapsburg dynasty . Hungary can in no other "way regain its independence and freedom , but in that way in which it was deprived of itby war—as every nation which is free and independent conquered its deliverance from its oppressors , like Sweden

    Switzerland , Belgium , Spain , Portugal , France , , Norway , Greece , the United States , and England itself—( cheers )— that is by a revolution , as some would call itby a war of legitimate defence , as I call it . I will ever respect the laws of England , and do nothing here contrary to them ; but so much I can state as a matter of fact , that my nation will never accept and acknowledge the perjured house of Hapsburg to become again lawful sovereigns of Hungary—never will it enter into any transactions whatever with that perjurious family , but will avail itself of every opportunity to shake off its yoke . Secondly , that though the people of Hungary were monarchical for 1000 years , yet the continued perjury of the Hapsburgs during 300 years , the sacrilegious faithlessness by which it destroyed its own historical existence , with the historical also in

    existence of my nation , as my country s present - tolerable oppression , have so entirely plucked out of the heart of my nation every faith , belief , and attachment to monarchy , that there is no power on earth to knit the broken tie again ; and , therefore , Hungary wills and wishes to be a free and independent republic ; but a republic founded on the rule of law , securing social order , security to person and to property , ? . nd the moral development as well as the material welfare of the people—( cheers )—in a word , a republic like that of the United States , founded on institutions inherited from England itself . This is the conviction of my people , which I share in the very heart of my heart . I confidently hope the people of England will appreciate the justice of these remarks , and the honest convictions of my heart ; and that it will not falter in its-attachment to that cause

    which it honoured with its sympathy , which it judged to be righteous and true , and which it consoled by its wishes and hopes . All I entreat is that the people of England may not give a charter to the Czar to dispose of the world ; but rather make , by its powerful position , respected the right of every nation to dispose of itself . With this hope I thank you once more for your sympathy . I beg leave , fatigued as I am , to retire , confidently trusting your noble-minded feelings cannot have the will to divert this demonstration of your sympathy into any party discussions whatever , in which I consequently could not participate , but which still could not fail to increase the difficulties , and do harm to my country ' s cause , which you honour by your sympathy . " The cheering , waving of hats , and qlapping of hands were renewed for some moments , and M . Kossuth

    bowed his thanks all round . Then turning towards the window , he proceeded to the withdrawing-room between the lines of the crowd which filled the large room . After a short delay he drove off as he came , and was greatly cheered on his way to the road . The meeting began to disperse very rapidly , and in good order , about four o ' clock , but many of them were glad to avail themselves of the creature comforts of the tavern after so long an exposure to a very cold and biting wind .

    The day ' s proceedings were wound tip by a dinner at Highbury-barn . Mr . Thornton Hunt presided over a company numbering from nix to seven hundred . ^ Letters apologizing for absence for various reasons were read from Lord Dudley Stuart , W . J . Fox , George Dawson , Joseph Mazzini , and other distinguished friends of the popular cause . The toasts of the evening were spirited and appropriate , and were proposed and upoken to by Gerald Massey , liouis Blanc , David Masson , William Corringhum , of Brighton , < i . J . Ilolyoako , Arinaud CJoeg , Bronterre O'lirien , &c . The demonstration was completely successful . KOSHUTH AND Til K I'll IIINDH 01 ' ITALY . A deputation from the Friends of Italy , consisting of the following gentlemen , waited on Kossuth , at 80 , Eaton-place , on Wednesday , to present an address from the society to him . Messrs . P . A . Taylor , chairman of committee ; David Mubhoii , secretary of the society ; the Reverend George Armstrong , of Bristol ; W . II . Ashuist , Jun . ; John Bainbridge , W . 1 ) . Bruce , W . A . < Jawe , C . D . Oollot , J . Corsw , William Coningham , of Brighton ; Frank Crossley , of

    Halifax ; John Davis , Frank Dillon , ! ' . Donatty , Dr . Itipps , Charles Furtado , the Reverend Dr . Giles , of Hampton ; S . M . Jlawkcs , T . K . Ilervey , G . J . Ilolyooko , ( ieorge Hooper , Thornton Hunt , Henry Ferson , A . M . ; J ) r . IjmikcHter , Reverend J . 1 * . Mulleson , B . A ., of Brighton ; M . E . Miusden , E . F . Smyth J'igott , T . J . Scrle , William Shaen , John S . mnders , " William Simpson , James Stansfeld , W . Strudwicke , Lord Dudley C Stuart , Peter Stuart , of Liverpool ; Kbonezer ttyme , IT . Taylor , W . Taylor , N . Travers , J . Watson , K . T . Welltx , Thomas Wilson .

    Mr . J * . A . Taylor , beforereading the address of the society , made u speech of some length , entering fully into the priiic . inleH of the Society of the Friends <> 1 Italy , principles which nre well known to our readers , and reverently alluding to Joseph Maxzini a » the man who retminod Italy in himself , who represented h » x fully in conviction * « uwl uims . Ho pointed out

    how completely identical were the causes of Italy and Hungary , not only in their relation to Austria , but in the fact that the Chief Man of both countries was an exile . One passage in the address of Mr . Taylor is worth preserving : — " They agreed with him in the justice , rightly understood , of that much-abused term—non-intervention . They recognize no right in one nation to interfere in the domestic concerns of another . In fact , the very statement of their principles , of the right of every nation to independent development , precluded at once the idea of intervention . It was true , as he ( M . Kossuth ) had lately said , that liberty might exist under many forms of

    government . It might even be that liberty was best attained by one form of government in one country , and by another form in another . But be this as _ it might , that liberty could hardly be worth having which should be the mere result of foreign interference . ( Hear , hear . ) But what became of the principle of non-intervention when it was made merely the excuse for non-interference with the intervention of another foreign state—an intervention made in the interests of tyranny and wrong ? It became but a wicked and sordid conspiracy of the strong against the weak at the bidding either of sordid interest or of a dastardly and feeble policy . Such was not their reading of the term non-intervention . They were the advocates of peace ; all Englishmen value it most highly .

    A whole generation of them had been born since the peace of thirty-six years which England had enjoyed . By that peace they had largely benefited . Under its influence England had grown as well in external power as in internal wealth—a wealth not aggregated in masses by our aristocratic and middle classes only , but largely spreading its blessings—moral , intellectual , and physical—over the great masses of the labouring community . They would not willingly peril these blessings . They knew that a war , however righteous , might inflict suffering on whole masses of their fellow-countrymen ; they knew that a war , however pure and noble in its origin , must carry with it some seeds of demoralisation and retrogression . They knew that it might throw back their own reforms , and for so long retard a progress which , without presumption , they might

    term European . England , therefore , never can contemplate a war but at the bidding of stern material necessity , or , what Englishmen were not yet sunk ho low as not to value still more highly , at the call of national duty or national honour . They were not , however , ^ so blind as not to perceive the utter difference of his position . They were not of those who thought that they serve the cause of peace by crying Peace , peace ! ' when there was no peace . They did not term that peace which was but the desolation which the tyrant made , and called it order . It might be that they deemed themselves the truest worshippers of the goddess of peace who hold her benignant sway can permanently be fixed upon bases no less everlasting and noble than those of truth , justice , and liberty . "

    After concluding his prefatory remarks , Mr . Taylor read the following address of " THE SOCIETY OF THE FRIENDS OF ITALY TO LOUIS

    KO 8 SUTH . " Sir , —As members of the Society of the Friends of Italy , we desire to add our voice to the many which , in this country , have greeted your deliverance from captivity , and your restoration to a life of freedom and action . " The intelligence of your release has been received with rage and consternation in the camp of the enemies of European liberty . " It brings new hope and confidence to oppressed nations now preparing for the struggle which must

    precede their emancipation . They hail in you a man in whom the will of a whole nation is embodied ; a leader whom an overwhelming preponderance of organized military force could not dismay ; a patriot who now reenters the field of European action with the distinct purpose of regaining the liberty and independence of his country . They feel that , in Becking to accomplish this object , you necessarily bring into the common cause the power of the Hungarian people , as organized and directed by your own genius and eneruy .

    " The society of which wo aro members has been founded to promote , by such means as are open and legitimate , within the limits of our own country the cause of the national independence and liberty of the Italian people . We regard the cause of Italy and that of Hungary as in reality identical . Both countries make the same simple and rightful claim to free national existence ; both huvc to contend with the aanae hostile power ; both alike have beeu repressed for a time by the lawless intervention of foreign force . Your own Hungarian soldiers arc now encamped in Italy ; Italian soldiers are on the bunks of the Danube—both under the ( lug of a common oppressor . The simultaneous action of both countries is necessary for the triumph of liberty in either .

    " In you , Sir , we recognize the impersonation of the cause of Hungary . And we are enabled the more vividly to realize the identity of this cause with that of Italy by the fact , tliat we have already in the midst of ua , driven hither by ouuHeti similar to thoso which have made you uu exile , un Italian patriot , who has concentrated largely on himself the confidence and affection of the Italian people , and who commands our admiration by the geiiiun , the purity of purpose , the devotion , and the Immunity which he huH evor shown in Win country ' s service , und which were preeminently displayed in the heroic defence of Route .

    " Ak there in no other European cause ranking more closely in t . lu > KiiKliwh mind with the cause of Hungary , jn respect of Uh uiiuplioity und justice than the cause of ' the Italian people , ho there in no other liuroptiun name which you will find more cloudy linked with your own , whether in the general heart of the English people , or in the express appreciation of Englishmen of high intelligence , than the , name of Joseph MazKini .

    " We hail your liberation , therefore , not ^ nW foTT sake of justice and humanity , which have been outrn « , 5 in your person ; not only for the sake of HunirJ 8 ! 4 whose service you have dedicated your life- bit 1 because we long earnestly for the emancipation of Tt 1 whose fortunes are indissolubly connected with * i , y » the land you labour for , and because we are Interest ° that common cause of liberty and national indeneiufen which demands the closeat alliance of all patriots an An oppressed peoples . Signed for the Society , a 11 " P . A . Taylor , Chairman of Committee " David Masson , Secretary . UI 1 « ee . " Offices of the Society of the Friends of Italv in Southampton-street , Strand , London , November 5 '

    M . Kossuth addressed the deputation in a famil ™ , and confidential tone at some length . He adrmX an identity of views between himself and the 8 OC etv which he said placed him in a situation rather favm , ;' able with respect to his answer . The first substar , tial point he made was in reference to public opinion Public opinion was not an end , but only the mean « to an end . To be effectual , it must be preparedT carry itself out by active practical measures and those against whom it is directed must be made to feel that it would carry itself out and not stop short at barren expressions . And if the people of England suffered it to be known that they never intended to go further than expression , then their public opinion would have no weight at all .

    " When the sentiments of a people take for their aim the principle of non-intervention , it should not be unilateral non intervention , which would mean that England would interfere in no case . That would be to abandon her position in the face of the world . ( Cheers . ) If , whatever may be done with respect to other nations , England is to weigh nothing in the destinies of humanity , then England may be a happy island as it is ; but it would cease to be a member of the human family—cease to be the brother of other nations . In short , it would not realize the idea , which is the chief principle and foundation of the Christian religion , that , having one Father in

    heaven , that very doctrine declares us to be brothersand that brothers have a duty to one another . ( Loud cheers ) *•**»* I wish public opinion to take such a direction as that every nation , as well as all despotic powers , should be sure of this—that when _ public opinion in England declares itself willing to side with the principles of freedom , those inclinations and those declarations of public opinion will be more than naere signs ; they will come to realities , with war or without war , as circumstances may require . ( Hear , hear . ) In short , that it will be a more active participation in the destinies of mankind , and not merely the

    passing emotion of noble hearts ; not such compassion as we give to the memory of the dead , vrhom we cannot help , cannot restore to life , but that the publio opinion of England , declaring the sovereign right of every nation to manage its own affairs , "will be enforced with all the weight of its moral power and its material power . ( Hear , hear . ) It is not necessary to discuss what power I mean ; but it is to be hoped that , according to circumstances , England will be as good as the word of an Englishman , and become the England of deed and of action as well as the England of sentiment . ( Cheers . ) I am firmly persuaded that if you declare it to be the intention of the people of England to come to a practical result , in each case I am firmly persuaded that to carry of

    out your principle will not cost England one drop blood or one shilling of money . ( Hear , hear . ) Why ? Because every absolute power upon the earth will consider the material forces of England , and will pause before he runs the risk of encountering them . ( Hear , hear . ) But if you say that in no case you will go to war , that will be the surest mode of provoking war ; because the absolutist powers will consider that they have a free charter to dispose of the fate of nations , and f must fairly state my belief is , that' in that case the concessions of Europe would come home to l ^ nK ' land , and that the material interests of England herself would be hurt ; because to injure England it is not necessary that the Cossacks should water their interests in

    horses in the Thames . There are many India , in the colonies , and all over the world , that niuy be injured . There are so many arteries that feeu tie power of England ; und if one of them were cut , •"" # ' fund would be no longer what it is . ( Hear , near . ) Therefore , I believe that , should England declare li " intention in no « ase to speak the word ' stop , " with intention of keeping her word , in a very short tun . England would be obUged to go to war for the P"M > ojJ of upholding her own interests ; because it ia not P ' that for long , in different parts of the world , the 1 principles of absolutism and freedom can go on m para

    directions , but the contrary . With respect to Italy and Mazzini , he snid what he had said before , that Italy and Hung ary were u ^ wings of one army arranged against one enemy . ^ was a happy thing for a nation to have a repntative in one man . That was the case , vanity npu . with respect to himself and Hungary : — 41 , supposing events to go on with K > B linUc f 8 // lie ' I consider it ruther a favourable circumstance 1 , ^ oauee of Hungary that my poor people bIioiiiu ^ . centred their hopes and diibiroH round ° '" , ;„„ , and having Iicurd , not by unilateral n » l « » ' of not from Italians or from particular Iri H Mazssiui , becuusi ) 1 consider it would bo as »» 1 Hl ' i ( U ., i UH it would be daiiRcrous to rest «» "V ; , „ ,. of information , uiui , therefore , 1 tried to get k » ° * " 7 roI , i the situation of Italy , not only from his inonUH ,, uu ^ BourceB which I couvidered entirely disiutereHtta » ^ ftlonds , not enemies of the man , but men who . w , the duty to get every Information and exact knoWMWB

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    1056 ffiflf VLtatltt . Saturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 8, 1851, page 1056, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1908/page/4/