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    KOSSUTH'S WELCOME . ' THE WORKING MEN'S DEMONSTRATION . The welcome prepared by the working men of London for the Hungarian Chief was equal to the great occasion . Early on Monday morning , the members of the Central Committee met in great numbers at the office in Wellington-street ; and , accompanied by banners and a band of music , marched in procession to

    Russell-square . Here , at the appointed time , vast numbers arrived , until the square was not large enough to contain them , and they began to encroach on the adjacent streets . About half-past eleven , the procession formed , and , defiling round the square , started by Keppel-street for Copenhagen-fields . I he men assembled were the flower of the working classes of London , composed chiefly of the Trades * Unions , and marched banded together by their respective crafts . Three horsemen led the van , followed by the

    footmen five abreast . The flags and banners took the following order : — " Welcome Kossuth ! the Patriot ; " " There is no obstacle to him that wills ; " Turkish ensign , surmounted by a gilded crescent ; the American stars and stripes ; " Kossuth , Mazzini—Italy , Hungary ; " " The men of Marylebone ; " " What is life without liberty ? " surmounting a harp ; "A tear for Hungary , " surmounting a shield ; Union Jacks ; " The Notting-hill Financial and Parliamentary Reform Association ; " the Observer newspaper on a pole , with a eulogistic inscription appended ; the Times crumpled up and swinging at a gibbet , accompanied

    by the words , " The fate of liars , " on one side , and " Mentiri est turpe , " on the other ; Hungarian colours ; Union Jack ; red flag , surmounted by a cap of liberty ; flag with the inscription , " Disobedience to tyrants our duty to God ; " Tower Hamlets flag , containing , " Welcome to Kossuth , the leader , the statesman , the soldier , and the patriot , who , having conquered the armies of Austria , fell a victim to internal treachery and Russian despotism ; " another Tower Hamlets flag , with the words , A speedy triumph to Democracy . " Hungarian favours were worn on hundreds of breasts , and not a few arms

    were encircled with badges , bearing upon them , " Liberty , equality , and fraternity . " The procession left Keppel-street at one o ' clock , marching to the stirring notes of the Marseillaise , " ' Mourir pour la Patrie , " and other kindred airs . It proceeded up Tottenham-court-road , along the Hamp-Btead and the Camden roads , to Copenhagen-fields , the place of meeting . Enthusiastic cheering broke out ever and anon along the entire route , where masses of people had turned out to witness the display . Windows , balconies , and roofs were all put in requisition , many shops were shut , flags waved from numerous eminences , and the whole line presented an unwontedly gay and spirited scene .

    The fields in front of Copenhagen-house were crowded with spectators ; their numbers being variously estimated as low as 25 , 000 by the Times , and as high as 150 , 000 by a gentleman at the Highbury-barn banquet . At half-past three Kossuth appeared on the platform accompanied by Mr . Thornton Hunt , Chairman of the Committee ; M . Wucowicz , ex-Minister of Justice in Hungary ; M . Gorove , late Secretary to the Diet ; Colonel Count Bethlen , M . Pulzsky , Colonel Count Teleky , M . Kajlich , late Prefect of Police ; Colonel Thaz , late aide-de-camp to M . Kossuth ; Colonel Kiss , M . Asztulos , MajoT Count Vay , Colonel Gal , Captain Tiir , M . Roney , M . Simonyi , Captain Torok , late aide de-camp to M . KosRuth ; General Yetter ,

    Colonel Kemeny , and General Czea . Kossuth was dressed in a black velvet frock coat , with blue cloth cloak . His appearance was the signal for an enthusiastic burst of cheerb from the assemblage , round following round , and every hat waving thesalututions of its owner , whilst ihigs bearing incriptions of welcome , amongst the rest that highly decorated , with the Hungarian colours and the words , " Welcome , Kossuth , the exiled Hungarian statesman , loader , soldier , and patriot , " were advanced to meet his eye . With head uncovered , he stepped forward and gracefully acknowledged the pi audits of his udinireiB , bowing twice to the front and us often to the right and left . When comparative silence had been restored .

    Mr . Pcttie , Secretary of the Committee , read the addrewH , which was very elegantly cngrosHcd on parchment , and bound on a roller covered with figured crimson velvet . The following in a copy : — " To Lotjih Koshutii , mi ! Addiikbh oi' | thk Inhabitants <> i' London , hicvukhkntki ) hy this Undhukionkd . « ' Patriot citizen and worthy representative of 11 great people W « approach you with sentiments of hopeful lov - we hnilwith satisfaction your restoration to freedom and ' to your country ' s service , us we heard with Borrow the tidings of your expatriation . In the war ho heroically ' '" n nat * > a | ? ' * " « united and Austria , the sympathy of the people of Hungary was so to be historical , but we desire tl rV (! nt ' ° * ltu 88 " woul < 1 not protests upon paper , but upon

    the field of action by the force of British arms . Our regret for the past is mingled with humiliation for the futility of our desires , but it is alleviated by our hopes and our resolves for the future . Chosen as the guide of a brave people in the path of freedom , your liberation gives hope not alone to Hungary , but to humanity . In the brotherhood of peoples rest fee hope of civilisation , the assurance of our progress in the peaceful arts , and the free development of man ' s noblest faculties . In the brotherhood of peoples there also exiate the certainty of success in resisting ^ the encroachments of despotic powers . Distinguished alike for wisdom as for integrity , if we have said so much to

    you , it is because your name and that of your country are linked in our hopes and our prayers to the names of other men and other nations . Need we name them ? N " o ; your true heart has already responded—Italy , Poland , Germany , and—there is a nation which for half a century has expiated its love of freedom in bereavement of its best sons , in the tears of its mothers and daughters . Its cup of bitterness is full . Whilst the arms of the people were extended to embrace you , you were repelled from their shores . As we believe in a future for Hungary , so also do we believe in a future for France . Whilst congratulating Hungary , and you , Sir , freely chosen governor , on your liberation , we turn with sentiments of fraternal

    gratitude to that nation which , despite of menace and intrigue , shielded you in the adverse hour , and has restored you to free action and fresh hope in the fulfilment of your glorious mission . To the citizens of the great Republic which has thrown its flag around you—linked , as we are , by ties of kindred—we are more closely linked in our mutual esteem for you , and sympathy for your country . We rejoice with them in the honour they have won ; but we lament that we should have deserved th at honour less . Welcome to our country ! Our words are but the poor echo of a million voices which , from the extreme limits of our land , bless your name , and , in blessing you , bless Hungary . "

    Kossuth , on receiving the address , pressed it to his breast amid the thundering shouts of the crowd . When silence was somewhat restored , he spoke as follows : — " Gentlemen , —I most warmly thank you for your generous sentiments of active and operative sympathy with the freedom and independence of my native land , so closely connected—as you have rightly judged—with the freedom and independence of other nations on the European continent . { Cheers . ) It is to me hig"hly gratifying to know that a large part of the present meeting belongs to the working classes . ( Cheers . ) It is gratifying to me , because , if to belong to the working classes implies a man whose livelihood depends on his own honest and industrious labour , then none among

    you has more right to call himself a working man than I so to call myself . I inherited nothing from my dear father , and I have lived my whole life by my own honest and industrious labour . ( Cheers . ) This rny condition I consider to have been my first claim to my people ' s confidence , because well they knew , that being in that condition , I must intimately know the wants , the sufferings , and the necessities of the people . And so assuredly it was . It is , therefore , that I so practically devoted my life to procure and to secure political and social freedom to my people , not to a race , not to a class , but to the whole people ; besides , I devoted all ray life for many years , by the practical means of associations , to extend the benefit of public instruction to the working classes , and to forward the material welfare of the agriculturists , of the

    manufacturers , and of the trading men . ( Cheers . ) Among all the enterprises to that effect of that time of my life , when I was yet in no public office , but a private man , there is none to which I look back with more satisfaction and pride than to the association for the encouragement of manufacturing industry—to its frte schools , to its exhibitions , to iis press , and to its affiliations . Besides conferring immense material benefi's , it proved also politically beneficial by bringing in closer contact and more friendly relations the different classes of my dear native land , by interesting the working-classes in the public political concerns of our nation , and by so developing a strongly united public opinion to support me in

    my chief aim , which was conserving the municipal and constitutional institutions of my country—to substitute for the privileges of single classes the political emancipation of the whole people , and substituting freedom to class privilegeo—to impart to the people the faeulty of making the constitution a common benefit to all—for all—in 11 word , to transform the closed hall of class privileges into an open temple of the people's liberty , ( l ^ mid cheers . ) This being my early connection with the working clasneH , I had at Southampton already occasion to say , that among all the generous testimonials of English sympath y which honour me and my nation ' s past struggle !! , which console our present sum-riiius and assure our

    future , there is none dearer to my heart than when nee thut those classes , whose only capital is their honest labour and their time , stop in their work and sacrifice thut valuable time for the purpose , openly and resolutely , of exprensing that the great principles of freedom can reckon upon the sympathies , the oooprrution , and the nupport of the people of England . ( C / teera . ) In the Btreets of London , a few days ago , nnd here on the pro-Bent occasion , this great phenomenon presents itself on a Btill larger scale , in a still higher degree ; the more it . is therefore gratifying to me , and coiiHoling to my country , the more have 1 th « pleasurenbld duty to acknowledge the high value of it , and to thank you ttiv more feiveit ' v

    for it . I said at Southampton that in these dp » T " tionsof the operative classe s I recogntaXt naS ^ stmct of the people , before which every individual Jt * / ness must bow down with respect . ( Cheers ) Tht at " acknowledgment I have to make on this occasion LT ** a larger scale , and in a higher degree . Allow me ' fiW . ' congratulate you on the attention which you have WC ° proved that you devote to public matters , to the elor well as to the interests of your country , and to the f as dom and interests of humanity . May this public « n " l never decrease ! may every Englishman for ever feel tw it is the basis of all constitutional organization h under a republican or a monarchical form , that it is th public opinion of the people which must give dirert ;

    to me policy 01 tne country , and that it is , therefore T t only the right , but also the duty , of every honest citi ^ n to contribute to the development and expression of th t public opinion , of which the legislative as well as fh executive authorities are , and must be , faithful retire sentativea . Allow me , secondly , to congratulate you on the just and happy instinct with which , bestowing vour attention on public concerns , you have seized the verv point which really is the most important among all in which the mind and heart of Englishmen can be in terested . That point is the freedom of the European continent . I said it in the Common Council of the city of London , I repeat it here ; there is none among

    your internal questions which outweighs in importance the external . ( Cheers . ) And how may be summed up the external interest of the British empire on the European continent ? It is to be summed up in this question—by which principle shall the continent of Europe be ruled , by the principle of freedom , or by the principle of abolutism ? Can England , or can it not , remain indifferent to the approaching struggle and final decision of this question ? and , if it cannot remain indifferent without losing its position ' in the world , endangering its own freedom , and hurting its own interests , -with which principle shall England sidewith the principle of freedom or with the principle of

    aggression ? Shall it support the rights , freedom , and happiness of nations , or the oppressive combinations of arbitrary Governments ? ( Cheers . ) That is the question —a question the more urgent and the more important that ( i . e ., because ) no man of whatsoever party can dissimulate , still less deny , that the situation of France , of Italy , of Germany , of Austria , of Hungary , of Poland , and of Russia is so unnatural , so contrary to the human and national interests of the respective people , that it is utterly impossible it can endure . Yes , no man can dissimulate the conviction that France , Italy , Germany , Austria , atd Hungary , are already on the eve of those days when the great , and I hope final battle of these adverse principles will be fought out . ( Loud cheers . ) Now , the people of Great Britain , by its loudly

    proclaimed sympathy with the cause of freedom and independence of Hungary , has pronounced itself willing not to remain indifferent , and to side not with absolutism , but with liberty , by supporting and protecting against all interference of foreign Governments the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself . You yourselves have pronounced by this demonstration and by your generous address in favour of this principle ; so , thanking you most fervently for it , I beg leave to congratulate you on the sound judgment and on the comprehensive views you give and that you entertain on the duties of England towards Europe , and on the proper interests of England itself . You have rightfully considered that the freedom of England , and that happy condition which you feel assured that your institutions ,

    your freedom , and your public spirit , will go on peaccimy developing—morally , materially , and politicall y—that all this is intimately connected with the victory oi the principle of freedom on the European continent . In a word , you have pronounced for that truth I , since in England , on no occasion have omitted to express , viz ., that there is a community in the principle of freedom as there is an identity in the destinies of humanity . ( Lirm cheers ) Besides , you have duly considered that uil material welfare of Great Britain is also in the highest degree dependent on , and connected with , the victory i » the principle of freedom in Europe . And truly it is so . On several occasions I have discussed already tins manouiit

    portant topic , and will do bo more amply yot on occasion . Here I beg only leave to state briefly a t plain facts . You live by honest labour . You have your manufactured products to dinpose of , for which y ° « J ' " large free markets and free trade . ( Great ujji Now , it is as obvious as that two and two make lour , u without Europe becoming free , England < : an liuyi . free trade with Europe . 1 will show you by 8 ta 1 » h « « facts that the amount of trade with absolutist * " ¦ and Austria is 7 d . per head , whereas the an om of the trade of England with a free country , » " , ' republic of the United States of America , is /«• p " What a difference ! Absolutism g ives to your ¦ _ and industry a market of 7 d . per head , 1 n ^ gives a market of 7 s . per head ! ( Loud <«< " < T ; - > . ' , the freedom of England , then , a question » ' " "' ' tl )( . to you ? Let us look to consequences , S » uppo price of the bread which one of you oo " 8 UinJH ' i of or Xi ; upon this price you have , by tl > o .. 1 _ 1 „ i . ni . i .. .. «» ,, n iwrl more tl » an ii «» . iuwb uwi / £ 1 ¦

    me corn , iiujij « uv . » ... »« - .., jZ ( , to £ l . Certain ^ a great benefit . But jujjpo « " » millions Who inhabit Russia , Austria , I Inly , an ^ gury , to become free , and , being free , oco . much of your manufactures as the United btot iy in part highly manufacturing themselve ^ toi ()() head ; that would give a market of at . least i , sterling to England , which would prove a be < J ' f £ 3 a-ye : » perhea « ltoyou . I will not , w . th inj ' J cln K ^ . ^ dwell further upon this subject now , but » iii - ^ , . Hokm > wlrd K e that you were animated ml «| : u >) lti monstration by higher motives—by such K * - ' ^ , 1 H ) ial jnents as betoken the noblest feelings , and 1 > J , dignity of man which i . the gelation ofj" « . . „ Divine origin . You say , in your kind nddit , h « _ the brotherhood of the people in which rests

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• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 8, 1851, page 1054, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1908/page/2/