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    ^ hension their difficulties . was a touch French P Jpntion rather unusual in that stolid party , Mr . CnS sees in this only a " fling " at Ultraliberalism . Afr Harney docs not rest at this , hut adds— " As to honest tone , boldness of speech , broadness of sympathy , vigorous and warmer spirit—old birds understand this kind of chaff . Let them give bold measures , broad rincip les > and detail ? in . accordance therewith , and then I will trust them . " Does Mr . Harney mean to tell us that nothing is to be considered by the people , as bold , broad , or genial , which does not come up to the Chartist standard , and is not accompanied by Chartist details ? This is the way a man might write who wished Chartism to become an arrocance and a contempt in the land . Mr . Harney doubtless

    writes what is the truth , to him , but he writes of his fellow labourers in the cause of popular refoim as though an enemy had lent him a pair of spectacles to see them through . Mr . Harney does not comprehend how ? ' < Ion " can continue to sit upon the Executive , if he believes the measure of Reform , mapped out by Sir Joshua Walmsley , to be " the largest practicable measure . " Because "Ion " believes that the temperate exertions of the Executive may yet malce a larger measurse practicable . The phrase " ihe largest practicable measure does not imply the largest measure which is right—but the largest measure which can be carried at this time . We all know that that which is theoretically just cannot always be realized as soon as it is discovered . There is always a

    long , arduous , unthanked cuty to be performed—that of advocating unfriended truth , till it become popular truth . This is why I sit ( and " consistently " sii ) upon the Executive , advocating a larger bill of rights than is just now " practicable . " But this does not prevent me cooperaiing with all who are endeavouring to realize a great approximation to the views I wish to prevail . How far I understand the position I occupy on the Executive , or am faithful to its political faith , shall be seen , as I will publish in these columns an address to the public , which I drew up , and read to Sir Joshua Walmsley and his colleagues at the Manchester Conference , as indicative of the attitude Chartism ought to maintain towards the Parliamentary Reformers .

    Mr . Harney makes one of those declarations which only one omniscient should venture upon . He says , without qualification , it " is not true that the overtures of these men are generous and truthful . " I wrote trustful , but it may stand as above . I am at least more likely to know the views of these politicians than Mr . Harney ; for I have been among them to judge for myself , which is more than Mr . Iiarmy , 1 believe , has done . All who know Mr . Harney in the distance , only believe him to be a very different man from what he is , and never caring to mix with him personally ,

    they continue deceived , and think ill of him and of his confederates . Conscious how mtn are thus misled , and how much personal knowledge corrects public impressions , I went down to Manchester , and accepted an opportunity of introduction to the Parliamentary Ilefonners through my friend Robert Le Blond , and what I reported to the editor of this paper I reported from personal observation , not from prejudice , hearsay , conjecture , or public impression . So few men succeed in explaining themselves fully , or with exactness , that the rich fail to understand the poor , and the poor the rich , because they never mix together in friendship .

    For myself I am glad that the editor of this paper accorded insertion to the letter of Mr . Harney . Nothing would be so likely to persuade a person of Mr . Harney ' s suspicious turn of thought , that he was in the right as the omission ( suppression Mr . Harney would call it ) of his letter . Doubtless the editor of the Leader no more than myself has any conviction , or carts to have any conviction , which will not bear discussion , and 1 am glad that Mr . liarnoy has not suffered the fact of my being one of his colleagues to exempt me from the advantages of his friendly ciiticism . Ion .

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    Rhdijmi'tion So <; ikty . —The principal subject which engages the attention of the directors at present , is the desirability of taking larger premises ; so that the Coii jieraUve Store—which is progressing favourably—the society ' s inee'tings , and weekly meetings for lectures and discussions—not confined to social topics merely—may be accommodated in the ; name building . A committee are now making inquiries , and will give in their report on Wednesday , November /> . Moneys received for the week : —Leeds , £ . . 19 s . l () d . ; Hyde , per Mr . Bnulley , l- 'to . 2 d . ; Manchester , per Mr . Bloomer , 3 m . 5 ( 1 . Buildin r Fund :- —J , reds , Is . ; Hyde , < J . s . . 'ki . ; Manchester , 2 s . Propagandist Fund , / is . lO . Jd . —J . Hkhdkuson , Sec .

    Oooi'kkation in Birmingham . — Our cooperative ' ll'irt . w here , though on u Hmull Hcale iit prcNfnt , promise much . The . Flour Society now numbers 1000 members , M , '' hiilaiice-slu'i-t for the half year nhows u clear gain of £ 218 . 1 () h . 2 ^< 1 ., although a considerable sum has been expended upon the premiseM , and the members haves been Bupplie , ] with pure flour at 2 d . per pock under the retail ) ' » ic ( h . 'i' | , ( 1 coi ,,,,, ;^ , ^ . l iav < . now secured the mill and l >» iniiNeS on a lease of fourteen yoais , at a rental of £ 110 l >« -r luinuin . 'flic coai of a tihai <; is £ 1 ; we ; only roquii e 11 " '"" 'house , building in connection with the mill , to give

    • - "' "petition and adulteration one of the heaviest blows y « 't mined at them . Our Coke and Coal Society , though •» younger growth , in progressing in u generally Hatis"eiory manner . The tilmroH are 10 * . only , and ^ tlu ; society v > 'un » bcrn upward * of BOO members , with a rolling ^ ' < k oiipa Me of mi ppljiiiK at . least double that , number . Xv '" ( ' l >« ' <; t , to add eonnideia . bly to our numbers this ] r "ler , being aide to mipjdy our friends at from 1 ' 2 to lI ' . ' " i ' <;< lU - und < # r the ordinary retail prices , and to give t'Ktl I" i ' ' kI "' W < ' un ; 11 () W uiakinK mi effort to , i ' , " general (< rocory Store- on tho sume p lan as i ) rn « iV"V * Ct' » t ' ul Agency , wo think with the best prwpectu offlucocBH .

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    TO JOSEPH MAZZINI . London , November 3 , 1851 . Friend and Buotheh , —Xiet me now come back to the original argument : If Italy can only be rescued and regenerated by the unanimous effort of her o « n children , by what principle or on what ground are the Italians to be brought to act together with that oneness and steadiness of purpose , which lias power to overcome all obstacles and burst the chains of fate ? A negative answer is always the first that suggests itself . The Italians should do exactly the opposite to what you have been doing hitherto . It was not without momentous reasons , Mazzini , that I first undertook to address you , five or six weeks ago . Humours had reached me of a split amongst the members of your Italian committee . I had heard that two of your noblest supporters , Sirtori and Saliceti , had departed from you , more in sorrow than in anger , truly , as always is the case with those who approach you—but still irretrievably parted from you ' . The name of Sirtori was unknown to me ; but Saliceti is a man highly revered by hone ^ st men of all parties in Italy , and I grieved to hear of this new division . I wondered to what fraction of a fraction you would reduce your own Republican party by your inexorable exclusivenese , by your narrow bigotry and absolutism of opinion .

    I was unable at that time to form any estimate of the matter at issue between you and your former associates . But more lately a letter , addressed to you and to your remaining colleagues , by Sirtori , and entitled "Al Comitato Nazionale ed agl' Italiani , " has made it plain enough to me that it is to your own darling" scheme of a European democracy , to your new friends Ledru ltollin and Co ., that you have sacrificeel old friends , countrymen , and , what is more , your own bravest fellow-labourers in the cause of democracy at Home , as true and staunch republicans every one of them as yourself .

    And I need not remind you that whilst these leave you on the one hand , because they find you too extreme and uncompromising , others , like Cattaneo , Cernusehi , &c , fall off from you on the other hand , because yeiu are in their eyes a . retrograde , whom they have long since outstripped in their headlong career . If 1 tell you frankly that it is my firm conviction that your party and your name never were at a lower ebb in Italy than at this moment , it is merely because I am aware of a latent power in you , of a prestige which you exercise over the mind and hearts of your countrymen , which may at any moment turn the tables in your favour ; because I know that the hearts of the Italians , oven whilst blaming and protesting ugainst you , aro ever secretly yearning towards you , ever ready to love and worship you—if you woulel only let them .

    I have often before witnessed the ebb and flow of your popularity , and never more plainly and forcibly than in 1 K 18 ; first in January , and then again at the close of that year . In the ; earlier period the Italians thought at last that you were inclined to such reasonable compromise as would enable you to meet all other parties half way , and , in tho later moments , they began to look upon their national cause as desperate , and joined you at Home with the eagerness of a drowning man catching at a straw .

    If I ( run trust tho reports that reach mo from many quartern , more especially from Piedmont and Tuscany , 1 must come to the conclusion that tho immense , and , what is more , the sane , majority of tho Italians « re at the present moment estranged from you . Tho Constitutional , or what you like to call sneerin «» l y , the Savoyard , party curries the day most triumphantly . Nor i « it matter of wonder ; for we have in Piedmont the rure phenomenon of a He Galantuomo , king , honest man , and the still greater wonder of a people conquering its liberties without a buttle , and yet proof against the intoxication of too ciwy u victory . In tho eyes of tho most moderate mon in Piedmont

    and Tuscany , you are now nothing better tban a wildr and mischievous dreamer . Were the world to go on this present footing you would do no good and but little evil in those countries . But I look far into the future . Piedmont is not all Italy . The Austrians are still there , masters of twice the ground they occupied in 1848 , and with them the French , and with them Grand Dukes and Little Dukes , Popes and Bourbons , all of them doing their utmost to keep your memory green , to cause you to be regretted , playing your own game and preparing the day for your signal revanche .

    Mazzini , I feel confident , your own day wvll come again . Popular or unpopular , alive or dead , your influence is indestructible in Italy—or else I would not lose time and waste ink in addressing you . The day of retribution , of conflict , of long-treasured revenge , is sure to dawn again for Italy , and may God speed it and make it full and decisive ! But how shall Italy be prepared for the great day ? What shall you have done to enable her to be equal to the emergency ? - _ ...-.

    A similar day dawned in 1848 . The signal of battle was giveal On one side was Austria dismayed , perplexed , but still compact and unanimous—one Auftria—on the other , alas ! was not one Italy but two The Italy of Charles Albert , the " Italy of the People "—Mazzini's Italy . Suppose a declaration of war to be ventured upon again , suppose the Milanese once more to fall on their oppressors and grapple with them , what forces can Italy bring forward to her aid ? Charles Albert's Italy , or the Italy of Victor Emanuel would probably again take the field , There would be a King , a tolerably unanimous army

    and people . But where would Mazzini ' s Ituly be ? Rome and Naples—supposing your name to be still omnipotent there , — could only march against the foreign enemy after having rid themselves of their domestic foe : national warfare must there begin by civil bloodshed , by local revolution ; supposing that revolution to be successful , supposing the South of Italy to be organized into a republic after your own heart , the Italians would then not only march against Austria under two different standards , but those two different parties would too probably forget the great work on their hands to indulge blind internecine

    animosities . Now , I ask . Need these principles , however different , be antagonistic ? Has not the Roman Triumvir as great an interest in turning out the Austrians aa the Piedmontese king ? And if they could , on . an emergency , act in good faith together towards a common end , could they not even now prepare for such contingencies by a good understanding between them ? Mazzini , I ask you to step forward and hold out a friendly hand to all honest Italians . To the honest King of Sardinia , to his honest ministers , to his sober , earnest , manly , though not democratic , people ; it is never too late for a reconciliation between brethren . I do not ask you to renounce your principles , not to

    despair of their ultimate success . There is no man in the world at the present time that can see only two inches into the future . It may be that you have been right all this time ; that kings—such kings as Austria , and Prussia , Naples , Rome , and Tuscanywill weary Heaven with their folly and brutality ; it may be that their days are numbered , and that they will drag the good ones , the Victor ICmanuels , the Queen Victorias , along with them in their full . It may also be that the bad ones , or else their children and descendants , be forced to acknowledge the omnipotence of human progress ; that they may be compelled to play an honest part in spite e > f themselves ; that they may , as in 1848 , be brought to doff their hats to the multitude in order to

    save their heads . We are now so very near to the extreme of a " Cossack Europe , " that we may well look forward to the opposite extreme . But it behoves us , in the mean while , to proceed , on analogical principles—from the well-known present to the great shadowy future . Freedom has a pied & tone on Italian land . Nationality haa gained a firm ground in Western Italy . Let that be made the basis of all future operations . Mazzini , I adjure you to become a Piedmontese . I am not aware that any of your ideas or principles—that any of your partisans—is proscribed from the Sardinian territory , or even excluded from the Sardinian parliament .

    Are not Mroflerio , Radices , and many ardent Republicans , living , writing , preaching in Piedmont , eve ; n some among those who think yourself lukewarm or backward in the People ' s cause ? Is not the freedom and even the licentiousness of the press tolerated on a footing unexampled in Europe , without exception of England itself ? Is not your own journal , // Italic del 1 'opolo , allowed to lie side ; by Hide with tho Pitdmontese Gazette , in any cafe that chooses to patron if e it ? Doe's any of your world-redeeming ideas m « it with any obstruction in Piedmont , bo long as it ninkt » its way into tho country fairly and openly , relying for its Huccess on truth and reason ?

    It may not suit your convenience to go and take up your quarters in Turin , or in your own nativo Genoa , and to give in your name as a candidate for any of the Liguri / m contingencies . Nay , France and Austria might mako your presence there a caaus belli against Piedmont ; » n < l that country is as yet weak enough

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    There is no learned man but will confess he hath much profited by reading controversies , his senses awakened , and his judgment snarpened . It , then , it be profitable for him to read , why should it not , at least , be tolerable for his adversary to write . —Milton .

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    w [ In this depaetment , as all opinions , however extreme , are allowed an expression , the editor necessarily holds himself responsible for none . ]

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    Nov . 8 , 1851 . ] q ; t ) $ suaieir * . ion

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• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 8, 1851, page 1071, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1908/page/19/