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    If Hungarian independence be not restored , this Bussian influence will be redoubled . " And what I request in the name of nay poor country , and in the interest of all the oppressed nations in Europe , is not that England may draw its sword for the restoration of Hungary ! Gentlemen , all I humbly request , ¦ wish , and hope , is that England may not abandon that right which in Europe is due to her — { hear , hear )—that England may not give a charter to

    the Czar to dispose of the destiny of Europe . ( Hear , hear . } Public opinion in England can make it a living principle in acknowledging the natural right of every nation to dispose of itself—not to allow the Czar to interfere with the domestic concerns of whatever nation in Europe . ( Hear , hear . ) People of the mighty Albion , that is all—there is nothing else that oppressed humanity expects , entreats , and hopes for . As to the rest , lea-ve it to the nations of Europe . "

    He touchingly referred to himself and his calumniators . " My life is an open book . ( Cheers . ) It is history which will pronounce its judgment upon me , and neither Austrian hirelings , nor party spirit , nor blind passion , nor those base and absurd calumnies which , in my posi tion , could not fail to be launched at me , though I am almost surprised to see these calumnies find their way into certain places in which I should not have expected to see them . ( Hear , hear . ) It may be that , relying on the fact that my people is a moral people—a people which never , never can be charged with having given its confidence or its love to a man who was not an honest man—it may be that , relying upon the testimony of my be

    people , I shall not consider these calumnies . It may that I shall entreat the protection of the law of England . ( Loud cheers . ) I will consider the matter as soon as my duties to my fatherland shall leave me a single moment to sacrifice to myself . Still I must say , that I sincerely regret to see that these calumnies have spread in England , not for my own self , because I believe they can but enhance the generous affection of generous men , it being natural to generous men to feel indignation at such calumnies ; but I regret this , because it is no pleasing prospect for our humanity to see our fellow-creatures delighting in such matters . But still it is history which will pronounce its verdict on my public life . ( 'Hear , hear , ' and cheers ) Humble as I am , I have had a public life , and , perhaps , I may have one yet . ( Loud cheers . )"

    Finally , after showing that Hungary had a future while Austria had no future ; after avowing his belief that there was vitality iii Turkey yet , and that the maintenance of her power was necessary to England , he complained of suffering pain in the chest , and wound up with woids of graceful thanks , proposing " England , Turkey , and the United States . " Colonel T . B . Lawrence , an attache of the American Legation , responded . Lord Dudley Stuart delivered a short speech , coupling Hungary and Poland . The Reverend Mr . Wyld gave " The Constitutional Governments of England and the United States , " to which Mr . Walker , United States , responded . America , he said , acted upon the principle of nonintervention . Let nations be slaves if they chose ; let the be free if they chose , and let no external power come in to hinder them : —

    " lie desired now to indorse the sentiment of the American consul—and the people of America would be ready to indorse it too—that whilst they were opposed to any intervention in the concerns of other countries , the time might come when , if despots should combine to overthrow the liberties of any nation , the people of the United States would be prepared to unite with their ancestors . ( Loud cheers , amidst which Kossuth rose and gratefully acknowledged the tone of ' the speaker '' sremarks . ) These islands were , from their remarkable insular position , a sort of breakwater of liberty , between the American and the European continents , and the Americans felt that , if the surges of despotism wore ever to break on their own shore , they must first overwhelm this

    country . ( Hear , hear . ) If , then , this alliance of despota , headed by RuHbia , winch was the soul and body of the whole—( hear , hear )— . should attempt to make war upon free Governments ; if it should intimate to England , as it did to Hungary , that it must give up its free iiiHtitutions ; if it should say to England , ' Abandon I our Queen , give up your throne , give up your urliunnent , give up your trial by jury , give up your habeas corpus , give up all those great fundamental principles which mark you as a free people ; ' if these tyrannous demands should ever be made , and the people of England should say to their relatives —for they felt that they were related to them

    ill blood , und in language , and by a thousand endearing recollections of the glories of the past—( cheers ) — and they would be related , too , as he believed looking at Uioho two flagn ( pointing to the flagn of the two nations in the room ) by the ntill brighter glories of the future and if thin country should ever Kay to the United States , ' The time in come when the great conflict must commence between the principles of despotimn and those of liberty '—a conflict , which he believed was close at hand—( hear , hear)— there were millions who would to flock to the

    of his countrymen delight Bhoreu of Great Britain , and under its and their ntundard to overthrow deHpotiHin . ( Immense cheering . ) Why should Knk'land and America united fear the world m arms ? ' ( Cheers . ) Wa « not the ocean theirs ? Did not their commercial and naval marine amount to » ,,, otcnthH of the commercial and naval ma . ineol he whole world ? ( Hear , hear . ) JJut he would not bo .-iHt of their power All lie would « ay was , that in America there were 4 () 00 000 of militia , and he believed that if the day which he Kad indicated ahould come , the vewsels now built uod thoBO which would bo created by such on

    occasion , would not contain the millions who -would rush to the rescue of liberty at the call of their forefathers . ( Loud cheers . )" And he wound tip by proposing " Louis Kossuth , the exile , without wealth or office , but more feared by despots than an army with banners . " { Great Applause . ) Mr . Gilpin proposed " Municipal Institutions , the bulwarks of national independence . " Several other toasts were drunk , and the company did not separate until a late hour . Kossuth left Southampton the same night for London .

    AT THE GUILDHALL . Kossuth ' s progress from Eaton-square to the Guildhall , on Thursday , was an unpremeditated ovation offered by the people . Crowds assembled at Eatonsquare , crowds lined the streets , there was a large crowd at Charing-cross , where Kossuth said a few words to the people ; all up the Strand were ranks , windows were filled with gazers , and as the procession passed slowly along the watchers nearer to the City heard the thrilling , unmistakable roar of a British crowd , mob if you like . In the City the multitude was so dense that the carriages were delayed . Here , even the Times admits , the crowd was very " respectable , " and the cheering very hearty . Kossuth reached the Guildhall just before one o'clock . In the carriage with him were Lord Dudley Stuart , Mr . Gilpin , and Mr . Alderman Wire .

    The Common Council Chamber was thronged , and the court full . When Kossuth entered there was a burst of cheering at once hearty and unanimous . The address was read by the Town-clerk , and presented to Kossuth , who pressed it expressively to his breast . Kossuth , of course , replied by an oration . It was long , less impulsive , less eloquent than his Winchester and Southampton speeches ; but it was clear , philosophic , and suited to the audience . There "was the greatest reach of principle in it , but expressed in sober language ; and the stuff of the oration was the principles of municipal institutions as illustrated that day . Two passages , however , we cannot pass by . The first points out how essential to freedom is an active interest in foreign affairs , and the consequence , abolition of secrecy in diplomacy .

    1 confidently state that among all the interior questions of England there is not a single one which could outweigh in importance this question to the whole of England , and in regard to London , the metropolis of the world , —to London foreign affairs constitute a very question of life . ( Hear , hear . ) The city of London , aware of this position of being the metropolis of the world , and consequently aware of the necessity to watch attentively foreign affairs and the condition of foreign countries , has bestowed the benefit and the honour to be

    attentive to the cause of freedom . In consequence of this attention , you bestowed your interest upon the past struggles of Hungary , because you saw our cause to be just , righteous , and in harmony with those mighty interests which are embodied in the city of London ; and , therefore , you united with your interest for the past your wishes for the future . And here , my Lord Mayor and gentlemen , you meet my first request . Let not these wishes , this sympathy , remain a barren word . You have the power to do so—give to oppressed humanity your helping hand . ( Cheers . ) I cannot forbear , having spoken some words on the importance of foreign affairs , and especially in respect to the city of London ,

    stating , that 1 believe the time draws near when , for the whole world in the management of diplomacy , a radical change must take place . Tlie basis of diplomacy has been st-crecy ; and there is the triumph of absolutism arid tlie misfortune of a free people . I hope soon this will cease , and foreign affairs will be conducted by that power which must be the ruling one in a constitutional Government—public opinion . ( Hear , hear . ) I scarcely can see . how it is possible that this principle of the secret of diplomacy got ground , not in England only , but throughout the whole world , when a question of a single penny of the national property could not lie disposed of without the consent of the people . ( Hear , hear . ) How are the interests of the country guarded and carried out in respect of these foreign affairs ? There is a secrecy which would be dangerous to the interests of the country and to coutititutional liberty to uVvelope . Not only that the people should not know how its interests arc treated , but even after the time has passed they should be told , ' The dinner has been prepared and eaten , aiul the people have nothing to do but to digest the consequences . ' ( ' Hear , hear , ' and laughter . ) What in the principle of nil evil in Europe r The encroaching Hpirit of Itussia . ( Hear , hear . ) And by what power has Russia become so mighty ? By its arms ? No ; the arniH of Russia Rre below those of many Powers . It ban become alrnoHt omnipotent , at least very dangerous to liberty , by diplomatic intrigucH . Now , against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is no nurer safeguard or mon ; powerful countcration than public opinion . ( Hear , hear . )" The next is on the pence question and tho limitation which an JKxilc of Hungary munt place to the non-intervention theory . " Such a city an London , with Bueh immense industry and trade , wuntH the consolidated peace of Kuropc . Now , 1 think you will m > e t . h « peace of the world in only possible when tlie nations of the world will be contented . The contentment of the natioiiH in such a tree aH only in the gulden of liberty growH . ( Hear . ) So long a « the nations of Europe uhall not be free , bo long there cannot be peace in Europo , bccnuno that would

    not be peace , but a prison , and this fair woriTTT" —*"" created by God to be a prison to humanityl / W * * ° \ -neither wit created for the gaoler ' s sake ' ( CheT \ It is not long ago that a great association—th e P > Society-had a meeting here in London- wS greets the existence of that society with none w will have peace , but a lasting and true peace and oppression , slavery . Now , this association haa proclaim ?* the principle of non-intervention . Could there be foi a a single man in the world to give such an internretatlnJ ? to this principle of non-interference , that whatever th Czar of Russia , or his satellite Hapsburg , should A with mankind and humanity , England wo uld not care f it ? This is not non-interference ; this is a letter f marque given to the Czar to become the master of the

    world . ( Hear , hear . ) The principle of non-interferenof proclaimed even by the Peace Association has this mean ing : —Every nation is free to dispose of its domestic con * perns according as it . is willing , and England should not interfere , and no foreign Power should dare to interfere with this sovereign right of the nation . O ppressed humanity expects England to execute and safeguard this divine principle . Oppressed humanity expects , in the name of all those mighty principles I have had the honour to mention , London to take a lead in the direction of public opinion . ( Hear , hear . )"

    Winding up energetically , M . Kossuth said a few things necessary for the citizens of London to hear : — " Gentlemen , I will again and again repeat to you these words ; I will repeat them with the faith of those martyrs of old , which has moved the hills and the mountains ; I will concentrate all the fire of my sentiments all the blood of my heart , all the energy of my mind ' to raise these words high and loud , deep and solemn ) till the almighty echo of the public opinion in repeating it becomes like the thundering trumpet before the sound of which the ' Jericho' of human oppression falls;—and , should this feeble frame succumb soonershould it succumb to the longing of my heart to see my

    fatherland independent and free , which longing , beats everlasting in my feeble frame , as the captive lion beats his iron cage—even the grass which will grow out of my grave will cry out to Heaven and to man , ' England and America ! do not forget in your proud security those who are oppressed . Do not grant a charter to the Czar to dispose of humanity . Do not grant a charter to the despots to drown liberty in Europe ' s blood . ( Cheers . ) Save the myriads who else would , and will , bleed ; and , by not granting this charter , be the liberators of the world ! ' ( M . Kossuth then resumed his seat amidst loud and continued cheering . )"

    On the motion of Mr . Norris , it was ordered that the address presented toM . Kossuth be fairly written out , emblazoned , and framed in the usual way , and presented to him . After a few moments' pause M . Kossuth quitted the hall amidst renewed cheering , and returned to his house , cheered by all whom he encountered on the

    . INTIMATIONS FROM THE F 0 REION-0 FF 1 CE . We cut the annexed paragraph from Lord Palmerston ' s organ , the Post : — " In the Times of Wednesday the following paragraph occurred : — ' It is stated on good authority that Lord Palmerston has caused it to be intimated to the ex-Governor of Hungary , that he is ready to grant him an interview of a non-official and private character , should M . Kossuth desire it , and that so far as he ( Lord Palmerstonj is concerned , he is rather desirous of seeing him than otherwise . '

    " We sec no reason to doubt that Lord Talmerston would be perfectly willing to see M . Kossuth , as he daily receives gentlemen of all nations and ol all political opinions , saving only such as arc known to be inimical to the maintenance of social order ; but that the noble lord has caused it to be intimated to M . Kossuth that'he is ready to grant him ^ an interview of a mm-otticial and private character , is a statement for which there is not the shgnteui foundation in fVict . " fi Had Mr . Andrews read this " retort courteous before tho dinner of Tuesday , and the abusive leader aide by side with it , possibly ho und hi » "" I , friends would not have been quite so ready to "PP " tho Minister who would have released Kossuth ion ? ,

    ago , had ho obtained a concordat from Kuseia . ^ On Thursduy , the Post has becomo _ KoBsut'i e vindicator utruiimt tho Times . Singular , isn t it .

    THIS CKNTIlATi COM MITTKK . Konsuth has accepted the demonstration offered tj the working-clause * , through the central (» mmi'jj At first this whs doubtful . A letter from *< » "Y was received by the Chairman , on Monday , . cJ « » » the demonstration , and informing the comnrniu . c ^ it would be most agreeable und convenient to ^ receive the uddrcHH at his own house , loti ^ nouncumentaroply was forwarded by the * A " h () intimating tho disappointment of the commlttw .. ^^ really represented no party , but were delo { , w *< _ the working-men and traded a " . " , " . mittee don ; and a resolution was come to by t « *< || H to hold a public meeting an near Jwiton 1 an ( l poHHible , nend a deputation with t »«» tIu , Sequent KoHHiith to como iortli and » puil i (( c ;() meeting . That was tho ultimatum ol <••»' « ;"" illgfl on Momluy night . By Wednesday , however , hud changed , dclo-« Mr . Thornton Hunt , Chairman , In answer w » »

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• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 1, 1851, page 1032, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1907/page/4/