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    old birds . What then ? What we said in the brief comment that Mr . Harney attacks was , that the Association proposes to give the suffrage to almost everybody—to everybody who is rated , by himself or his landlord , to the poor—everybody who can give his address . Nothing is said about " ratepaying clauses "; and most of us are rated to the poor , whether whether we pay the rate or not . Now , we should be glad to see the suffrage given to " almost everybody . " We should prefer explicit and unqualified universal suffrage j but we prefer a suffrage of six-sevenths to a suffrage of oneseventh in the population . As to the other items of the Charter , we should get them more easily with an extended franchise than with the present . Therefore we support the six-sevenths franchise .

    While the Chartist Conservatives are denouncing the Parliamentary Reformers for not commanding success which the Chartists are still further from attaining , it is curious to notice hints that the Whig-idolizers are getting up some mild agitation to supply Lord John with a harmless " pressure from without , " and to decoy the easy agitationswayed public into leaving real movement for the purpose of supporting Lord John and his shadow .

    But the very confusion and suspense into which all p arties are fallen are to us signs of hope . These "movements" are proofs that the public conscience feels the necessity of accomplishing some advance , if it could but make up its mind what to do . We are in favour of all who do make an advance—who really go forward . We ^ , re biased in favour of the wayfarer who manfully makes way , rather than of him who says that , if he could only get the seven-leagued boots , he would do the whole journey at a stride . Our objects include matters which the orthodox Chartists of the old school

    used not to take into the account—we desire the fullest and freest amount of political power for the whole People , we promote the right of every man to a subsistence by labour guaranteed on the land and property of the country , we strive to promote that perfect freedom in spirituals which would develope true Catholic religion administered through a real Church of the nation . For the day—day after day—we are with those who really move on . We estimate politicians in part by their success—one real test of merit . And in the desire for action , we do not undervalue vigorous language , or a hearty spirit of fellowship .

    Let us not be misunderstood . The pen that writes these words is held by a hand that will not abandon the active politicians of the workingclasses while their best organization lasts . The Charter Association has done much , and its machinery is too good to be broken up . It ought still to do good service in organizing the action of the People . But we have less faith in any statute , even in " the People ' s Charter , " than in that indestructible and indefeasible Charter , the spirit of the People . We have little respect for politicians whose words are larger than their achievements ; we have little agreement with politicians who tell the People that they ouyht to have the Charter ; since we believe that a People united and resolved nan have whatever it demands . It is not the

    Charter that we desire , hut the power to exact the Charter ; and for that power the People must look to themselves . They will not find it in criticisms on the shortcomings of other less speculative but more active politicians ; they will find it in the hearty spirit of mutual faith and good will that used to animate Englishmen in national enterprises .

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    TIIK CAMPAIGN Ob 18 S 2 . Tmc progress of events confirms us in the belief that Absolutism and National I'leedom are systematically taking sides for a new and not distant struggle ; lhal , Absolutism is , for the moment , gaining ground and consolidating its forces ; that , the Knglisli («<) verniiicnt is guilty of complicity in lliat rcconsolidation of Absolutism ; but that new powers have been practically called into bein <( , with every promise of a victory for I he Peoples . The reader will share the interest , with which we glance at the newest evidences of this coming counter movement .

    The position of that confederacy which is best , expressed by the embodied policy of Austria and KusKin , has greatly improved since IH-lH . We anticip ated no . success for the Peoples until they should he united : they were not united in IH-lH , and they did not succeed . The Absolutist powers were united , they remained united— -far more so in truth than they seemed to be ; and by favour of ( he reaction since IH'IH , they have succeeded in drawing ( heir confederacy closer and rendering

    their organization more complete . Prussia , which was playing a game of its own , and tried to carry out that game at the outbreak of the revolution , has heen frightened and driven back to the " Holy Alliance . " The Pope , who had grown somewhat independent , has heen wholly subdued to Austria , and has become Ghibelline ! , Tuscany has lost its moral independence both of Pope and Emperor . Hungary has lost its independence , SchleswHol

    and is a mere Austrian province . ig- - stein , which had become Germanic , is now to be incorporated with Denmark j the Duke of Augustenburg bought off ; and , by a process which consolidates the Sclavonian Monarchy , Denmark is made the grateful client of its patron Russia . Thus the important power Prussia , and the outlying provinces of the Holy Alliance , are brought together , and made more handy for the approaching struggle . .

    ..-__ .. . „ , " England , " as our Foreign Minister is called , has helped to bring about this result , so favourable to Absolutism . By shouting " Independence " through the mouth of Lord Minto in Italy , the English Government inveig led the Italians into trusting it ; and there it ended : only Sardinia had been seduced into being " constitutional" and exclusive , and had been withdrawn from hearty accord in the national councils : and Sicily had

    been diverted from setting up a republic by the proposal to set up an independent kingdom—which was dropped into the hands of Filangieri . The Foreign Minister gave to France a licence , in the shape of a formal " protest" against the occupation which restored Rome to the Pope and the Pope to Austria . England so discountenanced Prussia in her liberalizing procedure , as to help to drive her back to the Holy Alliance . England first supported Schleswig-Holstein , and then Denmark . That same England , by the Pacifico sally , had frightened Greece into blind reliance on Russia . That same England is now setting the Pacha of Egypt against his master the Sultan—the Turk who released Kossuth and is disliked by Russia . A word to " reformers , " political and financial , who are calling for retrenchment and for reforms that do not involve the overthrow of existing Governments . The system which enables the Absolutist powers to act thus together , is rendered an effective whole by the one link of Diplomacythat department which we suffer to carry on its operations in secresy ! The system demands for its procedure standing armies and national debts ; the Five Powers alone sustain armies amounting to two millions of men , and national debts amounting to £ 1 , 300 , 000 , 000 ! Our debt was incurred mainly to set up that system ; our army is kept up chiefly to maintain the system of governing

    Europe by bureaux . And we are told that it is conducive to " peace" and if ceconomy " to discountenance the nations that rise against such a . system ! Now we nay that principles dear to Englishmen—that Knglish principles—principles of freedom , nationality , sound ( economy , and the true alliance of nations , can never he enforced until we break down that system . We also affirm thai Knglish principles are about to be maintained in Europe by the patriots , and that the conduct of our Government will again be directed to sustain the power of Absolutism whicli oppresses the Peoples to lax them , and taxes them to oppress them . Thus will the Government of England act so long as the People of England

    permit it . Why then do we hope ? Ueeause there are many signs of a growing strength in the Peoples ; because the idea of a real alliance of the Peoples has heen seized by their leaders themselves . Kossuth is acting with Ma / zini—Hungary will be allied with Italy . The President , of Fiance evidently feels ( hat a national policy has the best chance of success ; and even if he have not the heart , to carry out . such a policy , his late proceedings have helped to mark the fact . Kven in England , override !) as it . is by iiidiflerentisin , selfishness , and a timidity new to the history whicli

    comprises a Cromwell and a Wellington , we cannot repress some of the old spirit , whicli hursts forth to inert the Governor of 1 lungfliy even before ho arrives . It . is so in America . The idea which we have thrown out , of an American Kr ^ ion taking its place in the battlefield of Km ope , has not fallen upon an inattentive public . It . is canvassed with animation . We anticipated no little opposition to it . It . was adverse to the old traditions of the Republic ; (<> the precepts handed down by the fathers of its policy , Washington and Jefferson . The habit of

    thinkas to bring them disorganized ? and if they are organized , with a General at their head and the starl spangled banner waving over them , will not their place on the field , of glory be known ? When the Democracy of the world is ranged against the Despotism of the Families , will the Republic imitate the Bureau of England , and shrink from its chivalrous duty ? The Republic never shrinks . Nor do we believe that the English people will continue to do so . A time is approaching when Monarchy will he tried . May it not be found

    ing after them makes the Republicans shrink from appearing in Europe . But the Atlantic has now been too completely bridged for that precept to bf » observed . Europe will appear first in America if America appear not first in Europe . The keensighted Republicans discern that fact . They will not wait for their " Government "—They never do . They already anticipate the arrival of Kok . suth with enthusiasm ; and the enthusiasm wiil not abate when he is among them . They are already providing for money contributions . Will their young men be wanting ? If they come , will it not be as easy to organize them into a Legion

    wanting in this country ! Our colonies are murmuring strangely on this subject . There is not one of them that has not some practical grievance to allege against the Government in Downingstreet—not one ; some grievance at once an indi gnity and an injury . More troops are wanted for the Cape . Already has a new "star-spangled banner" appeared in the Thames—the flag of the five Australian States . At a time when Monarch y is brought to trial , when America is seen aiding the Peoples against the official oppressors that farm the civilized world for the benefit of the

    families , are not the colonies likely to urge the interests of their Peoples upon the Government in Downing-street ? Every week renders such a juncture more probable . Already the Cape is calling for " more troops . " Will it be convenient to send them in 1852 ? Will the English People be content to see colonies given up in a panic ? Will not the English People rather say , Let us have a Government strong in will , strong in popular confidence , strong in the alliance of the Peoples . Such a Government would be a blessing to England and to Europe . And it is lo be had , if active politicians will only set to work the influences lhal must call it into bein ^ r .

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    PROGRESS OF ASSURANCE . THE MUTUAL riUNCIPLE . Promoters of Life Assurance have but lately seen the importance of popularising the system . They have discoursed learnedly , and brought a frightful amount of figures and logarithms to bear upon the subject , but that which is really important has been neglected . The simple reversionary principle of Assurance has been , in modern times , expanded to meet the wants of the assurer while living ; tables have been formed

    for the endowing of children , for securing an expected reversion , in fact , to meet most of the pecuniary contingencies of life ; while the surplus funds , instead of remaining a clog and fetter to the exertions of the association , are suffered to flow in various channels of beneficence . But it is in vain that all these advantages are devised , if the peop le are not made acquainted with them , or if from want ol understanding they mistrust their app lication . L » c Assurance only requires to bo understood to ne universally adopted , and we hope to see the day when the Assurance of men ' s lives has become as nninh a matter of course as the insurance of their

    houses and goods . Every endeavour to popularise Assurance meets with success fully commensurate with the ineana adopted . The series of articles which lias appeared in the . Leader has induced many of <> ur readers to insure then ; lives , who confess that tliey should not have neglected the duty if their

    alienlion had been called to it popularly at an earn . period . It argues well for the undurstandinK « tho people ; , as well a . s for the success of the » Y » lc " ' that they arc becoming aroused to the import- i ^ of Life Assurance . A spirit of inquiry lias " ^ evoked : the people require information , Vl ° ¦ want of this information , and the intentional ^ statements of some interested persons it is ^ feared that many , while inquiring for the IK ; ' ' ., HufeHt oflices , may be precluded by iIIim . -sh or « lt « i from taking advantage of any . Our opinion on tin , safety of the Mutual Sy « u ^ has frequently been nnked . There are "" J " ^ ,. in the country endeavouring to poison »"' ' 0 of the people againat Mutual Oflices , and tin *

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    1014 0 t ) t 3 LeaS £ t * " [ Saturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 25, 1851, page 1014, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1906/page/10/