Current:

Leader (1850-1860), 13th September 1851, Edition Town of 1, Page 871, Untitled Article

Page 871
Page 11
11 of 24

On this page

  • Text (3)

      Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    • Untitled Article

      Untitled Article

    • Untitled Article

      Untitled Article

    • Untitled Article

      Untitled Article

  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      expense incurred . " Pressure from without . " Government would have given up the search long ago , and we should have left the men to perish without an attempt to save them . " Very true j so we should . " Shocking things Mr . Gladstone discloses of Neapolitan rule . " Horrid . " And Lord Palmerston ' 3 brother in Naples all the while . ** Giving very pleasant parties , I understand ; a pleasant fellow , Temple ! " But not a word of these things . " Oh ! yes ; he interfered in the most spirited

      manner to rescue an Italian fellow , a lawyer , who was accused of being engaged in ' conspiracy '—which turned out to be an English picnic . Spirited fellow , Temple , at a pinch—like his brother . " But no interference to stop Naples . " Oh ! no ; nonintervention , you know ; that is our policy . " In Sicily ? " Even in Sicily—at the last . Palmerston always comes down on his legs . " And these atrocities are going on all over Italy , Austria , and Germany . " So they say : Absolutism is looking up . _ _ .

      Americans have been massacred in Cuba . " Yes—the papers put out large placards , I see . " They are very angry in New York and New Orleans . "' Dare say ; they must always have something to bully about . " The Kafirs are driven , not out of the Cape colony , but into it , and the colonists are more enraged than ever . " Well , it is a mess . But he is a good old fellow , that Smith : rough soldier , but good heart ; and that ' s what pleases me—rough outside , but sound at heart—sterling . " But those colonists , when they are much exasperated , you see , sometimes rebel- " Nonsense ; it will come right . "

      How imperturbable you are . Well , but now I will tell you something that will move you : do you know thaf Austrian spies have been detected , here , in London ? " So they say . " Yes , but employed by the English police—think of the national character ! " Indeed ! that ' s odd ! By the by , talking of character , my butler has given me warning ; and , I assure you , I think there is nothing more difficult to find than a butler who is sober and honest—especially a butler . " -

      Untitled Article

      THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER RAISED IN EUROPE . One course would be certain to secure victory for the Peoples of Europe against the Crowned Conspiracy of Austria and her allies : we indicated that course last week ; but let us now point out its advantages rather more specifically . With Austrianism advancing unresisted to the conquest of Europe , with England acquiescing if not aiding that inhuman conquest , we have counselled the Peoples of Europe to 6 eek a leader in the natural head of the Democracy of the World—the great Republic of America .

      It would be quite possible to place at the head of revolutionary forces , an American General , bearing the star-spangled banner of the Union ; it would be quite possible , in due course , to engage even the Government of the American Republic in the same service , and to dictate from Washington the terms for the capitulation of Vienna and St . Petersburg . Foremost among the political advantages of such a plan would be its tendency to override the jealousies and reciprocal distrusts which might still be a source of weakness to the Federation of Peoples . In almost every country the national party is divided

      upon certain internal and ulterior questions ; although Germany is becoming almost entirely Democratic , there arc still Constitutionalists among its public men ; in Italy there are Constitutionalists and Republicans , Federalists and Unitarians ; in France there ia no absolute majority , though one might be created by the mere fact of proclaiming a Crusade against Absolutism on grounds sufficiently broad . The first great objects to ( secure are , the national independence of each nation , ami the freedom of each People ; leaving internal and ulterior questions to be settled by each People when it ahull be free to act , and relieved from alien

      control . We have no fear that the Democratic party of Europe will be unable to subdue the jealousies and unite in action against the common enemy : but no one can be blind to the fact that each section of that party might be indisposed to accept the l « ad of any other section , lest it should appear , ipso facto , to fjjive up its own defensive pr inciple . Buch mistrust it would not apply to an American leader : territori ally remote , not implicated in the sectional questions of Europe , above all suspicion on the "core of sincerity in the vindication of liberty , the Republic would be especially fitted to take the lead »» the struggle for national independence and

      popular freedom , without prejudging the external question of any one nation . We believe that the mere hoisting of the star-spangled banner on the field of Europe would call forth the vast body of the Peoples of Europe—a rising of the Peoples from the Rhine to the Danube , from the Baltic to the Mediterranean , against organized tyranny . Even to the United States the political advantages would be considerable . The unemployed energies which are beginning to raise troublesome questions at home , would find a glorious and beneficial vent in that more distant field . Action of

      that kind might help the Republicans to gain time , and with time power , for the deliberate settlement of that social question which presses upon them most dangerously . It would enable them to force back to European ground that class of disputes which English Abolitionists , aided by manoeuvring English diplomatists , now make them discuss so inconveniently on American ground alone . Besides , is not European intervention—the intervention of European Governments—between the Americans and the Spaniards , at last become imminent in Cuba ?

      The working out of certain political problems on the Continent would be of vast service to the English people ; and not less so to the English colonies . One of the first advantages would be , that England would find its faculties of speech and action unlocked from the present nightmare of doubt and apathy ; and it would not long suffer its Government to abstain from taking its proper place by the side of the Republic , with France at the head of the Anti-Despotic movement . But the commercial and oeconomical advantages of the great movement would not be less striking than the political . Upon these , for the present , we must necessarily touch briefly ; but we beseech the reader t > think out the considerations which

      we indicate . For the Americans , we need not enlarge upon the pickings which are to be enjoyed in the conquered treasures and the captured palaces of Imperial luxury ; but we mean far more solid and general advantages . For example , the shipping of" the United States , which now seeks an unpleasant and hazardous employment in the slavetrade , might find more congenial and not less profitable employment in the crusade against Despotism . In that respect the United States might perform the functions of Venice during the crusades against the less barbarous Saracens . English capital would find abundant employment in supplying the munitions of war ; and afterwards in supplying the newly freed industries of Europe

      with the means of developing internal resources . Indeed , this emancipation of Europe would realize the true complement of Free Tiade : at present , Free Trade finds its foremost antagonist in the Zollrerein ; which Absolutism is to imitate and extend in Austria and Italy ; Hungary , who would join with England , is pinioned by Austria ; Turkey , free in disposition , is kept poor by Russian intimidation . The emancipation of Europe would be the first step towards extending the alliances of commerce over the whole field . Imagine the trade of a Russia set free ! The same process would open the trade of Europe to the colonies . Canning talked of " calling a new world into existence , " when he recognized the South American states ; but this crusade would call the old world into

      existence for the new . Need we dwell on the social advantages of the movement ? Every state engaged would feel them . Naples , Rome , Milan , and Baden can tell what are the hideous cruelties—the oppressions of fantastical taxation , the inquisitorial tyranny of an official priesthood , the imprisonments , the Hoggings of men and women , the subjection of women and children to the brutalities or a licentious alien

      soldiery , and not lees licentious native gendarmeriecriielticu now daily inflicted by the Holy Alliance throughout no much of Europe us it already possesses . And the frontier of the region possessed by that bad power is daily spreading . Of course Italians , AiiKtrians , ( jermant * , Hungarians , Bohemians , would be glad to escape from that shocking thrall . Western Europe would be well pleaned to see the onward march of that system checked . Franco would be more trunquil if the popular party were endowed , as it would be , with a decided preponderance . A period of political action , of hope , and of commercial diligence , would be beneficial to us in Engla nd , socially us well as commercially and politically .

      We foresee two objections to the suggestion of the Alliance of Peoples headed by the United States— the English iwconomiata will object on the

      score that war always entails expense ; the Americans , on the score that Washington and Jefferson bequeathed the precept of non-intervention . Those two great men lived before the Holy Alliance . They had not read in the Times a hint that , if Americans avenged American blood in Cuba , there might be a combined demand for explanations from the-maritime states of Europe . And Washington was too good a General , Jefferson too keen a

      statesman , not to perceive how powerful a diversion it would be if European Governments meddled in the waters of Florida , to raise in Europe the prior question as to the right of those Governments to speak at all on behalf of their own states . If they meddle in Cuba , it might be possible to " annex" to the Federation of Peoples not only Cuba but Spain itself—and not only Spain Let the maritime states look to it : the star-spangled banner in Europe will have turned their position .

      Nor need thrifty English ceconomists be alarmed . No English taxes will be needed , unless they are asked to fight against the Peoples ; and then they can be refused by the Faithful Commons . The Federation of Peoples will fight at one great advantage against the Holy Alliance , Austria especially . The despots fight with mercenary armies , and Austria has a bankrupt exchequer . The Federation of Peoples will fight with patriot forces , and will know how to render the war self-supporting . Yes , the victories of Governments cost national debts ; but this victory of the Peoples

      shall purchase their means of redeeming national debts . The Two-beaked Eagle governs only to devour ; but it is a craven bird , accustomed to tyrannize , not unaccustomed to defeat : the Black Eagle is a bat among the kings : the Great Bear of the North is harmless where he cannot hug : the Lion of England slumbers , like a lapdog full of feasting : the Bald-healed Eagle of the West , fresh fro : n the wilds , hard-ned to the elements , bold in flight , sharing the fortune of the stars , is unconquered , untamed , unsnted ; he casts his eye on Europe , and the Atlantic shall nut arrest his swoop .

      Untitled Article

      THE NEW AUSTRIAN LOAN . The new Austrian loan is announced by the Times to the London market . It was , in fact , announced in Vienna some weeks ago , and placed in a course of private negotiation ; but down to the latest dates not a single subscription had been given in . Hence Austria is driven ( o foreign countries . " The amount is to be 85 , 000 , 000 florins , which , at the present rate of exchange- is about £ 7 , 000 , 000 sterling ; and two-thirds of this are to be employed in part redemption of the existing paper circulation , the process for which is to commence on the 1 st of February next , and to be continued during three months . The rate of interest is to be live per cent ., and the issue is to take place : it ih'J price of 95 , if the subscribers desire the dividends to be payable at Vienna , and . at 100 if payable elsewhere and in silver . The other places of payment may be Amsterdam , Frankfort , Brussels , and Paris . The subscriptions are to commence to-morrow , the 9 th instant , and to close on the 27 th . Persons applying before the 16 th are to have a bonus of two per cent ., and after that period , and before the 23 rd , one per cent ., with the assurance also that they shall have the lull amount of stock , they write for . Those who take stock to the amount of f > 0 , 000 nor ins are

      likewise to be allowed a . half per cent , commission . The places where subscriptions will be received are Frankfort , Stuttgurd , Amsterdam , Brussels , Antwerp , Paris , Hamburg , Berlin , and Bresluu . At the present rate of exchange the issuing price of 100 would be equal to about 80 ; but , as compared with the existing prices of Austrian stock on the Continent , the terms , including all the peculiar allowances to tempt people to a hasty decision , do not seem to present any reinurkable advantages . In the murkets of this country , under n-xiuting circum-Mtancctt , Bueh a loan would , of course , lind no reception whatever . " It will be observed that London is omitted from the liht of places for ( subscription aiul payment Austria standing in fear of Cobden ' n < i ; conowisfc obstruction to war loan . s ; and , probably , al . so of the ( jennan Agitation Union , which can speak in London , even on the credit of a Sovereign exchequer , w he routs in oilier countries out-spoken men are gagged . But the fame of Austrian credit has extended too fur for it to escape celebrity u » any money market of Europe ? and recent measure * h » ve not contributed to reassure the doubting . It is wejl known th » t the revocation of the Constu UUion hus caused a Xi ent exuiieinenl : m Vienna polilicmns lau K h to see the ( government array on opposite sides m distinctly , the Government with its armies , and the lX-mocruUc party with its

      Untitled Article

      Sept . 13 , 1851 . ] Eft * 9 , $ * btt . . ^^ 871

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 13, 1851, page 871, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1900/page/11/