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expense incurred . " Pressure from without . " Government would have given up the search long ago , and we should have left the men to perish without an attempt to save them . " Very true j so we should . " Shocking things Mr . Gladstone discloses of Neapolitan rule . " Horrid . " And Lord Palmerston ' 3 brother in Naples all the while . ** Giving very pleasant parties , I understand ; a pleasant fellow , Temple ! " But not a word of these things . " Oh ! yes ; he interfered in the most spirited
manner to rescue an Italian fellow , a lawyer , who was accused of being engaged in ' conspiracy '—which turned out to be an English picnic . Spirited fellow , Temple , at a pinch—like his brother . " But no interference to stop Naples . " Oh ! no ; nonintervention , you know ; that is our policy . " In Sicily ? " Even in Sicily—at the last . Palmerston always comes down on his legs . " And these atrocities are going on all over Italy , Austria , and Germany . " So they say : Absolutism is looking up . _ _ .
Americans have been massacred in Cuba . " Yes—the papers put out large placards , I see . " They are very angry in New York and New Orleans . "' Dare say ; they must always have something to bully about . " The Kafirs are driven , not out of the Cape colony , but into it , and the colonists are more enraged than ever . " Well , it is a mess . But he is a good old fellow , that Smith : rough soldier , but good heart ; and that ' s what pleases me—rough outside , but sound at heart—sterling . " But those colonists , when they are much exasperated , you see , sometimes rebel- " Nonsense ; it will come right . "
How imperturbable you are . Well , but now I will tell you something that will move you : do you know thaf Austrian spies have been detected , here , in London ? " So they say . " Yes , but employed by the English police—think of the national character ! " Indeed ! that ' s odd ! By the by , talking of character , my butler has given me warning ; and , I assure you , I think there is nothing more difficult to find than a butler who is sober and honest—especially a butler . " -
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THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER RAISED IN EUROPE . One course would be certain to secure victory for the Peoples of Europe against the Crowned Conspiracy of Austria and her allies : we indicated that course last week ; but let us now point out its advantages rather more specifically . With Austrianism advancing unresisted to the conquest of Europe , with England acquiescing if not aiding that inhuman conquest , we have counselled the Peoples of Europe to 6 eek a leader in the natural head of the Democracy of the World—the great Republic of America .
It would be quite possible to place at the head of revolutionary forces , an American General , bearing the star-spangled banner of the Union ; it would be quite possible , in due course , to engage even the Government of the American Republic in the same service , and to dictate from Washington the terms for the capitulation of Vienna and St . Petersburg . Foremost among the political advantages of such a plan would be its tendency to override the jealousies and reciprocal distrusts which might still be a source of weakness to the Federation of Peoples . In almost every country the national party is divided
upon certain internal and ulterior questions ; although Germany is becoming almost entirely Democratic , there arc still Constitutionalists among its public men ; in Italy there are Constitutionalists and Republicans , Federalists and Unitarians ; in France there ia no absolute majority , though one might be created by the mere fact of proclaiming a Crusade against Absolutism on grounds sufficiently broad . The first great objects to ( secure are , the national independence of each nation , ami the freedom of each People ; leaving internal and ulterior questions to be settled by each People when it ahull be free to act , and relieved from alien
control . We have no fear that the Democratic party of Europe will be unable to subdue the jealousies and unite in action against the common enemy : but no one can be blind to the fact that each section of that party might be indisposed to accept the l « ad of any other section , lest it should appear , ipso facto , to fjjive up its own defensive pr inciple . Buch mistrust it would not apply to an American leader : territori ally remote , not implicated in the sectional questions of Europe , above all suspicion on the "core of sincerity in the vindication of liberty , the Republic would be especially fitted to take the lead »» the struggle for national independence and
popular freedom , without prejudging the external question of any one nation . We believe that the mere hoisting of the star-spangled banner on the field of Europe would call forth the vast body of the Peoples of Europe—a rising of the Peoples from the Rhine to the Danube , from the Baltic to the Mediterranean , against organized tyranny . Even to the United States the political advantages would be considerable . The unemployed energies which are beginning to raise troublesome questions at home , would find a glorious and beneficial vent in that more distant field . Action of
that kind might help the Republicans to gain time , and with time power , for the deliberate settlement of that social question which presses upon them most dangerously . It would enable them to force back to European ground that class of disputes which English Abolitionists , aided by manoeuvring English diplomatists , now make them discuss so inconveniently on American ground alone . Besides , is not European intervention—the intervention of European Governments—between the Americans and the Spaniards , at last become imminent in Cuba ?
The working out of certain political problems on the Continent would be of vast service to the English people ; and not less so to the English colonies . One of the first advantages would be , that England would find its faculties of speech and action unlocked from the present nightmare of doubt and apathy ; and it would not long suffer its Government to abstain from taking its proper place by the side of the Republic , with France at the head of the Anti-Despotic movement . But the commercial and oeconomical advantages of the great movement would not be less striking than the political . Upon these , for the present , we must necessarily touch briefly ; but we beseech the reader t > think out the considerations which
we indicate . For the Americans , we need not enlarge upon the pickings which are to be enjoyed in the conquered treasures and the captured palaces of Imperial luxury ; but we mean far more solid and general advantages . For example , the shipping of" the United States , which now seeks an unpleasant and hazardous employment in the slavetrade , might find more congenial and not less profitable employment in the crusade against Despotism . In that respect the United States might perform the functions of Venice during the crusades against the less barbarous Saracens . English capital would find abundant employment in supplying the munitions of war ; and afterwards in supplying the newly freed industries of Europe
with the means of developing internal resources . Indeed , this emancipation of Europe would realize the true complement of Free Tiade : at present , Free Trade finds its foremost antagonist in the Zollrerein ; which Absolutism is to imitate and extend in Austria and Italy ; Hungary , who would join with England , is pinioned by Austria ; Turkey , free in disposition , is kept poor by Russian intimidation . The emancipation of Europe would be the first step towards extending the alliances of commerce over the whole field . Imagine the trade of a Russia set free ! The same process would open the trade of Europe to the colonies . Canning talked of " calling a new world into existence , " when he recognized the South American states ; but this crusade would call the old world into
existence for the new . Need we dwell on the social advantages of the movement ? Every state engaged would feel them . Naples , Rome , Milan , and Baden can tell what are the hideous cruelties—the oppressions of fantastical taxation , the inquisitorial tyranny of an official priesthood , the imprisonments , the Hoggings of men and women , the subjection of women and children to the brutalities or a licentious alien
soldiery , and not lees licentious native gendarmeriecriielticu now daily inflicted by the Holy Alliance throughout no much of Europe us it already possesses . And the frontier of the region possessed by that bad power is daily spreading . Of course Italians , AiiKtrians , ( jermant * , Hungarians , Bohemians , would be glad to escape from that shocking thrall . Western Europe would be well pleaned to see the onward march of that system checked . Franco would be more trunquil if the popular party were endowed , as it would be , with a decided preponderance . A period of political action , of hope , and of commercial diligence , would be beneficial to us in Engla nd , socially us well as commercially and politically .
We foresee two objections to the suggestion of the Alliance of Peoples headed by the United States— the English iwconomiata will object on the
score that war always entails expense ; the Americans , on the score that Washington and Jefferson bequeathed the precept of non-intervention . Those two great men lived before the Holy Alliance . They had not read in the Times a hint that , if Americans avenged American blood in Cuba , there might be a combined demand for explanations from the-maritime states of Europe . And Washington was too good a General , Jefferson too keen a
statesman , not to perceive how powerful a diversion it would be if European Governments meddled in the waters of Florida , to raise in Europe the prior question as to the right of those Governments to speak at all on behalf of their own states . If they meddle in Cuba , it might be possible to " annex" to the Federation of Peoples not only Cuba but Spain itself—and not only Spain Let the maritime states look to it : the star-spangled banner in Europe will have turned their position .
Nor need thrifty English ceconomists be alarmed . No English taxes will be needed , unless they are asked to fight against the Peoples ; and then they can be refused by the Faithful Commons . The Federation of Peoples will fight at one great advantage against the Holy Alliance , Austria especially . The despots fight with mercenary armies , and Austria has a bankrupt exchequer . The Federation of Peoples will fight with patriot forces , and will know how to render the war self-supporting . Yes , the victories of Governments cost national debts ; but this victory of the Peoples
shall purchase their means of redeeming national debts . The Two-beaked Eagle governs only to devour ; but it is a craven bird , accustomed to tyrannize , not unaccustomed to defeat : the Black Eagle is a bat among the kings : the Great Bear of the North is harmless where he cannot hug : the Lion of England slumbers , like a lapdog full of feasting : the Bald-healed Eagle of the West , fresh fro : n the wilds , hard-ned to the elements , bold in flight , sharing the fortune of the stars , is unconquered , untamed , unsnted ; he casts his eye on Europe , and the Atlantic shall nut arrest his swoop .
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THE NEW AUSTRIAN LOAN . The new Austrian loan is announced by the Times to the London market . It was , in fact , announced in Vienna some weeks ago , and placed in a course of private negotiation ; but down to the latest dates not a single subscription had been given in . Hence Austria is driven ( o foreign countries . " The amount is to be 85 , 000 , 000 florins , which , at the present rate of exchange- is about £ 7 , 000 , 000 sterling ; and two-thirds of this are to be employed in part redemption of the existing paper circulation , the process for which is to commence on the 1 st of February next , and to be continued during three months . The rate of interest is to be live per cent ., and the issue is to take place : it ih'J price of 95 , if the subscribers desire the dividends to be payable at Vienna , and . at 100 if payable elsewhere and in silver . The other places of payment may be Amsterdam , Frankfort , Brussels , and Paris . The subscriptions are to commence to-morrow , the 9 th instant , and to close on the 27 th . Persons applying before the 16 th are to have a bonus of two per cent ., and after that period , and before the 23 rd , one per cent ., with the assurance also that they shall have the lull amount of stock , they write for . Those who take stock to the amount of f > 0 , 000 nor ins are
likewise to be allowed a . half per cent , commission . The places where subscriptions will be received are Frankfort , Stuttgurd , Amsterdam , Brussels , Antwerp , Paris , Hamburg , Berlin , and Bresluu . At the present rate of exchange the issuing price of 100 would be equal to about 80 ; but , as compared with the existing prices of Austrian stock on the Continent , the terms , including all the peculiar allowances to tempt people to a hasty decision , do not seem to present any reinurkable advantages . In the murkets of this country , under n-xiuting circum-Mtancctt , Bueh a loan would , of course , lind no reception whatever . " It will be observed that London is omitted from the liht of places for ( subscription aiul payment Austria standing in fear of Cobden ' n < i ; conowisfc obstruction to war loan . s ; and , probably , al . so of the ( jennan Agitation Union , which can speak in London , even on the credit of a Sovereign exchequer , w he routs in oilier countries out-spoken men are gagged . But the fame of Austrian credit has extended too fur for it to escape celebrity u » any money market of Europe ? and recent measure * h » ve not contributed to reassure the doubting . It is wejl known th » t the revocation of the Constu UUion hus caused a Xi ent exuiieinenl : m Vienna polilicmns lau K h to see the ( government array on opposite sides m distinctly , the Government with its armies , and the lX-mocruUc party with its
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Sept . 13 , 1851 . ] Eft * 9 , $ * btt . . ^^ 871
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 13, 1851, page 871, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1900/page/11/
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