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Politically , this year is already regarded as if it were last year ; it has been disappointing , sterile , worthless j we are tired of it , hate it , and are glad to get it out of sight . All our interests are now turned upon next year . . If there is any value left in the present , it is only as the vestibule to that better period ; we only prize the few remaining months as an opportunity to make preparations . Present events are regarded from the point of view of 1852 .
Socially , indeed , events still happen in this England of ours . There are the average number of births , marriages , and deaths ; the daily papers teem with murders , outrages , crimes , and disasters in more than usual abundance ; Suffolk comes up to the standard , and supplies its murder to the general contribution ; the railways have been overwhelmed with traffic , wherefore constant chaos at railway station , collisions here and there , and hosts of letters ^ in the journals complaining of unpunctuality , disappointments , accidents unreported , bad management , departure of several trains at once , and so forth . The usual commotion has been made
amongst the grouse , and the usual anticipations are made about partridges ; with the periodical notifications from the Moors , and the annual commonplaces . The case of Reddish versus Priestnail , at Stockport , in which a forgetful linendraper is mulcted to the extent of £ 20 for jilting a young lady , we take as an overt sign that affairs of the heart have not been brought to a dead stop by the stagnation of the Whig Ministry ;
the startling incident in High-street , Shoreditch , in which a young lady on an Exposition visit to London is awaked in the night by finding in her room three Don Juans , soldiers from the ranks , and some more shocking occurrenc es at the police offices , indicating , how often inverted nature is impelled to break down the instincts of the parental relation in the most horrible or crimes , aurueat not onlv eventfulness enonoh in
J"e , but doubts whether our civilization is so advanced aH some of us think it . We have tried to put nature in the stocks , and are rearing up a popula tion , as an Irishman would say , half ener vated machines , half hypocriten , and half doHperate outlaws . The public mind turns its thought to such J » Kh in this holiday season , for want of sotneinin more Btirring to think about . That political
action is perfectly dead is proved by the fuct that J"e press has not troubled itself with any " rewosuettH of the session" ; a custom scarcely ever Hutted . That which we ventured to do as a ccnce open to our more free and easy habit , our veteran fello w-work men have done almost univer-Bl ' \ * - veiy organized agitation has sunk into a « "ougu of "open questions . " Mr . Young ' s Pro-ITown EorrioN . ]
tectionism at Tynemouth , and Lord John s great Reform Bill for next year , are equally impotent to revive the jaded life of politics . If there is any kind of stir at home , is" is the uneasy movement of what in the temperal view we may call religious faction ; but even that has waned to a sort of minor agitation . The call for a convocation of the London diocese is natural , and , we think , proper ; but we do not observe that it meets with anything like general support from the popular clergy of the diocese . Archbishop Whately ' s
constant advocacy of a metropolitan convocation of the Church stands an unanswerable , but an abstract , exercise of reasoning . Until the Church , however , has a Convocation in the most efficient form which its members can devise , it must remain without the power of showing what it can do in these arduous days ; it must undergo the perilous , perhaps the fatal , trials of the warfare to which it is exposed , both within and without , and yet it must be debarred from the strength and wisdom which it might derive from organization and a council of its elders .
It can derive little defence from small triumphs of sectarian power , like that which has just suppressed the conventual bells at Clapham . The sound of these bells was " distracting , " " astounding" to Protestant ears ; evidently more for the doctrinal animus detected in the sound , than for the metal ring . It is in evidence that the same ears were not afflicted by Protestant bells , dinnerbells , or any other ringing but that which has legally been pronounced " a nuisance " by a Protestant jury . Technically , however , the religious question was not in issue .
If the Anti-papal rigour can triumph in England , the Irish Catholics show no disposition to give way before it . The Bishops speak an if they would stand their ground ; ro that the year of the New Reform Bill is likely to see the Liberal Ministers self-compelled to take up Orange ground in Ireland ! And what ia worse , there are signs of the potato blight , both in England and Ireland . If that should appear , Ministers will have enough to do , seeing arrayed against them bishops and potatoes 1
Abroad , as at home , though for a somewhat different reason , attention in becoming wholly fixed on the preparations for next year . The events of the day are important only in reference to that future . Political geography i « rnasNcd into lurge groups . France rcinaina in its anomalous condition , without a national majority , without a determined policy ; a republic without a Republican Government , and yet without any Anti-Ropublican party sutticiently confident in itn own manhunt and influence to declare itself as such . Tho tactics of the Anti- Republicans , tlniu far succchhful , are to obtain pooscNMion of oflice in the capital and about the country ; all the Anti-Republican parties have combined more or less closely for thnt specific pur |> oiso . The real Republicans are a
majority as compared with any one of " the several parties which can never unite , though they do conspire for a time ; the Republicans are a minority only while the factions stand together in conspiracy . But the trial of Gent , and his fellow-prisoners at Lyons , for a plot said to have been discovered last year , and brought before a court martial this year , is important mainly in betraying the fear oi the established anarchists . , They are driven to mock their own Republican professions by copying the very trick of Absolutism , in trying political
offences of the past before a military tribunal . The Fusionists talk of setting up the Prince de Joinville as candidate for the Presidencyno doubt because he is a thorough Frenchman in every aspect and feeling , and in every public act of hi £ life , and calculated , therefore , to enlist national feeling in his favour . The one thing clear , however , is that the combined minorities do not know what they themselves intend to do , and that they view the coming struggle with an increasing dread , as they are learning more distinctly the power of the true republicans .
The manifesto of the Mountain , published this week—a species of " compte-rendu" of the ses ^ jon —looks backward to condemn , and forward to hope . It is a terrible indictment of the Governmentshame abroad , injustice and illegality at home , a capricious and tyrannical majority bound together by the selfishness of its hctcrogenous sections , a Minister convicted of transmitting falsehood by the
telegraph , a president coquetting with Imperialism , everywhere republican national guards disarmed , the state of siege in five departments , and a state trial at Lyons , carried on under the bayonets of the soldiery preceded by long weary imprisonment of the " suspects . " Finally the attempt to revise the constitution in a monarchical sense—the suffrage remaining restricted ! These accusations must bear fruit—these evil acts call down retribution in
the course of things . But it is the moral attitude of the Republicans to which we would direct most attention . Everybody says , everybody feels , that 1852 will be a year of crisis . Why a crisis , ask the Republicans ? An Assembly which has violated the constitution , tho warrant for its own existence , by disfranchising three millions of voters , and a President , who baa aped the Emperor , will cease almost together . The constitution provides for that contingency . Then why a crisis ? Unless you , the party of Order , act illegally , manifestly—unless you have recourse to open , avowed , armed counter-revolution , there will be no need of a crisis . The blow is well aimed .
and tellingly delivered . If the law take its course , why a crisis ? It is of importance , nlno , to note how distinctly the manifesto asserts , first , » lmt " the people Will not elect Louis Napoleon Bonaparte ; " nnd Hecondly , that " the law of the : * Jat of May will be repealed . " While the majority keep within the limits of the constitution , there will be no appeal
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VOL . II . —No . 73 . SATURDAY , AUGUST 16 , 1851 . Price 6 d .
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• ' pasr . Accidents' 771 selrcs 776 The Redemption Society 783 Nn * q M TBft Wm- Police 771 The House of Bedford 776 Visit to a ^ orth Atnericaa Ph a" SSttaeiSlNotor-. 7 « 6 Miscellaneous 77 i Litbratorb- lanstery - > 783 . Arrest of an American in Hungary .. 766 Births , Marriage , and Deaths .... 772 Mirabeau 777 Ohkn Council-Church Matters .... 767 Public Affairs— A Lost J ' oet 7 . 8 Caseof the Corn Mill ^ rt « 81 TheWolverham » toB'i abo * ur " Tiial 8 767 England and Europe 773 Quakerism 779 Correspondence of the Harmony-hill Cuban InsurrSn 1 j ....... 4 e 7 Competition and the Debt ... 771 Books on our Table 783 Petition 784 cZwi 787 JUow " Divine Bight" governs .... 774 Portfolio- The Power of Education 785 The 8 tranmr ' in " * the " stateB" 768 Progress of Assurance 771 The Akts— Marriage with a Deceased Wife ' s NewsDaDer Stamns 768 The Bloomer Revolt 775 Spositiui , 780 bister too Prom-ess of Bloomerisni ..... 770 English Feeling on the Government Sappho 7 » l Commercial Affairs—Personal News and Gossip 770 Italian Outrages in Italy 775 Theatres 782 Markets , Gazettes , Advertisements , The Bella at Clapham ... ' . ..... 770 Memorandum 776 Organization of the People— &c , 785-788 Crimes and Offences .. 770 The Cornfactors outwitted by them- Patriotism a " Charity " ..... 782
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* 'THB one Idea which . History exnibits as evermore developing itself into greater distinctness is the Idea or Humanity—the nobls endeavour to throw down all the barriers erected between men by prejudice and one-sided views and by setting aside the distinctions of Region , Country , and Colour , to treat the whole . Human , race as one brotherhood , having one great object-the free development of our spiritual nature . "—Humboldt ' s Cosmos .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 16, 1851, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1896/page/1/
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