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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Xs Germany—divided into nearly forty separate tafes to oppose the progress of ( he liberticide and anti- progressive army ? But have not recent events sufficiently shown , on the one side , that Germa n bayonets were always ready to crush every popular movement P and , on the other , that the Germans have not yet made up their minds what they want ? We heard in Germany , it is true , during 1848 and 1849 , the cry for " German Unity ; " but the very men who gave utterance to that cry , at the same time evinced the most blameable disposition to extend " German" unity by robbing non-German nationalities !
But France , that compact nation of thirfy-six millions , will * he suffer such a plan to be carried out ? Will she not , even in its embryo , at once march forth her Republican army to anticipate the enemies of mankind , and thus furnish the peoples o « Germany and Italy I he opportunity of organizing their national forces for an efficient resistance—the only means , indeed , by which the melancholv future can be prevented ? Have we not seen France , in 1792 , victoriously resisting the whole of coalesced Europe , England not excepted ?
True : but the past few years have sadly convinced us that modern France , whose army is commanded by Generals created under Louis P hilippe ' s corrupting system , is not equal to the making of such a salutary step in time—especially under the presidency of a Louis Bonaparte , whom the fiery French generation of 1792 would certainly not have elected for their chief , nor have allowed
to restrict universal suffrage , still less to murder a sister republic . What is the position of England—constitutional England P Ought not the nation to turn , with confiling eyes , to her ? Delusion ! Have we not seen the British Cabinet , continually and upon every occasion , assisting the Continental despots , from the le ter espionage up to the Schleswig-Holstein affair?—on the one hand , allowing the
Holy Alliance repeatedly to violate the treaty of Vienna—as in the annihilation of the constitutional regime of the kingdom of Poland in 1832 , and the destruction of the independence of the republic of Cracow in 1846 , both mutually guaranteed by all the contracting parties of that treaty ; and , on the oi her hand , advising the nations , who groaned under a foreign despotism , passively to submit to the provisions of the said treaty . Thus , when the late Republican Government of Venice applied for British assis . ance , it received from Viscount Palmerston the shamelessencotiragemenfc to surrender to Austria , " because in virtue of that treaty "that so oit violated treaty— " Venice belongs to Austria . *'
Where , then , are the Peoples of Europe to look for succour against the coining invasion of restored Absolutism ? To themselves . W hen the alliance which the European Democratic Committee proclaims among the Peoples shall be in full practical activity , then , and then only , will Europe be sirong against its combined foes . While the Peoples remain divided , the declaration of Nicholas Dictator is not a threat but a law : when the Peoples shall be united , such a declaration will cease to be a law , or even a threat ; and then only shall we put an end to revolutions .
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THE WHIG SCHOOL OF REBELLION . TaiPtED with , oppressed , insulted , evaded , the people of the Cape of Good Hope are believed , by those who know them best , to be inclined to some extreme and dangerous course . We have already explained the position of the Cape , and we now recapitulate in order that the reader may have the convenience of a memorandum to aid him in understanding the further progress of the question just taken up by Lord Stanley .
It will be remembered that an aUcinpt ^ was made by tho Home-office and the Colonial-office jointly"both Greys , you will observe "—to introduce convicts inco tho colony . The Imperial Government had been under repeated pledges not to intioduce convictK ; in some of the new experiments in tinkering the convict system , a plan was broached for distributing approved convicts in the " free but before the
colonies , " with their consent ; " consent could be obtained , the Cape colomats received notice that a shipload was coming from Bermuda , The colonists refused their consent ; they refuted to admit the convicts ; they organised an Association , and entered into a pledge to employ no new emigrant while a convict should be ia the port ; they out off intercourse with the Gownment in Cape Town , And supplies . After "
instructing" Sir Henry Smith to stand out obstinately , he was instructed to yield ; and the couvicts were taken on to Van Diemen ' s Land . Much anger had been created in all the Australian colonies , except " the Scarecrow of Emigration , " Western Australia , by the plans for renewing transportation ; and this anger was complicated with the dispute about the constitution , in which Government had promised , retracted , shuffled , and Compelled , with the most exasperating alternation of instability and obstinacy . During this dispute the promise of a " free , " an " English" constitution for the Cape was volunteered by Ministers .
It was sent out to he " revised "—by the old Council whom it was to supersede ! But when the Governor collected the Council for that purpose , in lieu of leaving the members to the revision of the draft , he called upon them to pass supplies and get over the linancial arrears of two years . Four of the five " non-official" members remonstrated , on the joint ground that the passing of supplies was not within the province of a Council
summoned to revise the constitution , and that finance questions would much more properly and effectually come before the next Legislature , the new body . Sir Henry pressed , and the four popular members resigned . A meeting of colonists was held , the draft of a constitution prepared by the four members was adopted , and two of the four , Sir Andries Stockenstrom and Mr . Fairbairn , were sent over here to advocate the cause of the
colonists . Meanwhile Sir Henry sent home for instructions , and he has been instructed to go on with his Council as it stands—shorn of its four elected members ; a course which has been pronounced , on competent authority , to be illegal . The Government , therefore , is deprived , in the eyes of the colonists , of technical as well as moral authority . That is to say , after its conduct has been oppressive , tantalizing , exasperating , and vacillating , it has now placed itself even beyond the letter of the law .
The Kafir war belongs to another series of misgovernment , which has consisted mainly in a mixed process of exasperating the Aborigines on the frontier , and indulging them . Sir Henry Smith has at times cowed them with his bullying , and cajoled them with his pantomime , his child ' s storybook style of eloquence , and his " stick of peace . " Among other vagaries , it wac his notion to make the Karirs give up a part of their territory , that he might form military settlements upon it . A pasto
toral race , with a territory subject partial droughts that visit the hills and the valleys at different seasons , the Kafirs need a wide expanse of land for the pasturage of their herds . Thus , in their mode of life , they were virtually made acquainted with the evils attendant on an overpeopled condition ; they encroached back upon their old lands ; Sir Henry Smith bullied—in vain ; and then opened " the Kafir war . " The colonists are called upon to sacrifice their property , their time and safety in the field ; England ia called upon to the taxes .
pay ^ . . , „ „_ , _ .: _ .-When the two Commissioners of the Colonists come to London , they are received with an appearance of fairness ; until , in the fulfilment of their duty , they endeavour to extract an explicit assurance ; they then learn that the Constitution question shall be settled when the border war is over ; and almost in the same breath they learn that , in the endeavour to outdo the refractory Aborigines , it is in contemplation to extend the sort of occupation which provoked the present war , possibly even
to the Equator ! Thus is to be prolonged an intolerable nuisance ; and the only assurance obtained for the colonists is , that they shall have their political rights when the nuisance is at an end . Fairy tales scarcely contain any procrastinating condition bo fantastical and perverse . Under these circumstances the Cape Commissioners , it is reported , are disposed to abandon their suit for justice in Downing-street , and return to the Colony , where their influence may be useful in mitigating
the natural bitterness of the Colonists . We have now recapitulated , as briefly and plainly as we can , the posture in which affairs stand immediately before tho debate notified by Lord Stanley for Monday night . In justice to the colonists , the English tax-payer should understand the grounds on which he is called upon to pay for the Kafir war . He should perceive , alao , that he may be called upon to pay for still heavier military and naval expenses in putting down the oolonisU . The result of the convict question was , Co teach the oolonista the tirobabU « uooess of energetic
rwistwould break up the Whig Cabinet ; and the portion of the British People which possesses political power cannot make up its mind to do without tho Whig Cabinet ; so the portion of the British public which possesses political power , and also the great body of the People which possesses no political power at all , will have to pay fines for enjoying the luxury of Whig rule , in the shape of expense * for the Kafir war , and probably for putting dowa the colonists when they next rebel .
ance ; but Lord Grey m ^ y he more obstinate than he was in that instance . Were there any genuine national feeling in the English People , such treatment of an intelligent and patriotic community like that at the Cape would not be tolerated ; but it is tolerated . Were there any national feeling , the British People would insist upon removing a Minister who has behaved as Lord Grey has done ; but to dismiss Lord Grey
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ENGLAND FOR THE RICH . What a comfortable discovery for an indolent , selfish , rich man is the doctrine of averages ! What a marvellous effect it has in disposing him to look with philosophic composure upon the most glaring anomalies of modern civilization ! Radical demagogues and Socialist lecturers may seek to disturb his digestion by expatiating on the wrongs of 30 , 000 London needlewomen , the sufferings of half a million handloora weavers , doomed to maintain a wretched existence on 4 s . or 5 s . a-week , or the
starvation . of five millions of " the finest peasantry m the world , " but he has discovered an antidote to all these annoyances . By the careful investigation of certain political arithmeticians , it has been ascertained that the annual consumption of tea , coffee , sugar , and various other articles of general use , during the last fitly years , has increased more rapidly than the population , and , therefore , he concludes that the people must , upon the whole , be better off . Granting that there are several millions in the United Kingdom who do not taste whol
butcher ' s meat above two or three times in the e year , he falls back upon the comfortable reflection that these must be only exceptional cases , as the total quantity of animal food consumed in the country is understood to be much greater now , in proportion to the population , than it was fifty years ago . Should any one suggest that this may possibly be the case , and yet that a very large class of the people may be worse off now than the same class was at the beginning of the century , because the distribution of the food is more unequal now than it was then , he will at once charge you with
bein # a Communist , and give up the discussion . In connection with this doctrine of averages the Economist opens up a useful subject of inquiry , by its mode of showing that this country , taken as a whole , is quite as prosperous as any of our colonies . After finding fault with those who are continually drawing comparisons between England and Auotralia , or New Zealand , to the disparagement of this country , it proceeds to prove—what nobody can deny—that Great Britain is the finest place in the world for a rich man : —
" It seems to be forgotten , " says the Economist , " that of the thousand human beings every day added to our community , even under the abominable laws which cut off their supply of food , a very lar ^ e proportion , as ia shown by tl . e continual increase oi the niMdle clusa , grow up in comfit , live in opulence , and bequeath opulence to u more numerous posterity . We have a-. me doubts , were the prosperity of the prosperous eludes taken fully into consideration in our old country , whether it > s not as prosperous and as flourishing as the newest and most flourishing settlement . The population hits doubled * inee 1801 , and at the name time much" more than doubled its conveniences and comforts . The doubled population are better supplied than were their father * with only half ihcir numbers . By the companions dmwn between old and new countries , not a IP tie injustice is done to the old country , wlm-h >• not so bud , alter all . as people would mnko it to be . An immense multitude of opulent persona live , thrive , and increase in England , whatever may be the eondilion of the labourers . " Here is a writer whom the doctrine of averages stems to reconcile with all that is wrong id our sooial condition . " Whatever may be the condition of the labourers . " ho com « to the satisfactory conclusion that " the old country Is not so bad . after all ° because a large number of persons grow rich i " it . Tried by the same rule tho torn-law was not bo bad . after all , " seeing that " m iarowee multitude of opuleftt persons" had ikeu-Mr Zmm greatly increSesd by iU **¦*•« the rest of the community may have suffered .
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June 28 , 1851 . ] ^^ 0 VLeatiet . 607
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Leader (1850-1860), June 28, 1851, page 607, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1889/page/11/
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