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Leader (1850-1860), 14th June 1851, Edition Town of 2, Page 550, Untitled Article

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      the man who makes a merit of adoring only " the possible "—that "France was too disturbed in its ideas , too much moved by revolution , to endure monarchy . " This is a great admission from the paladin of Jesuitism , the defender of the Pope , and the Godefroi de Bouilloa of tf » expNRtfrtti against Rome in the interior" ! It will be observed that M . de Larochejacquelin and M » de Cormeninmoderate Legitimist and pink Republican—state the European question alike—Monarchy or Republic ; or , in the oft-quoted word « of Napoleon * t St . Helena , " Europe must be Cossack or Republican . "

      Portugal is settling down without the military reaction that some parties anticipated . There is reason to believe , however , that Saldanha ' s success is not precisely what his coadjutors intended , but that originally the movement was , in a great degree , republican . This accounts for the rumours that the Queen was about to abdicate ; and it is not to be disconnected from the fact that Republicanism is making considerable advances in Spain .

      At the Cape of Good Hope Sir Harry Smith succeeds in maintaining his ground against the " revolted" Kafirs , even without the reinforcements that he expected . The colonists were showing a greater disposition to support him ; and although his native ally , Kreili , had seceded , the defection had not done much harm .

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      The House of Commons met again on Thursday . On the order of the day being read that the House should resolve itself Into a committee of supply , Mr . Anstey moved a resolution censuring the conduct of Sir W . Denison in revoking the tickets of leave granted to the Irish political convicts , M'Manus , O'Donohue , and Doherty , and sending them for three months to the convict settlements at Tasman ' s Peninsula . Mr . Anstey stated that the plea for revoking the tickets of leave was that the three convicts had broken the conditions under which those tickets were granted , by leaving the police district where they were located to

      visit Mr . Smith O'Brien . But the fact was , the tickets of leave were granted to the convicts on . the express condition that they should not attempt to leave the " colony . " Nothing wa 8 said about " police districts . " But there was an old rule that ticket-of-leave men . were not to leave police districts without a pass : this rule , it was contended , had been abrogated by a late statute , and upon the understanding that it was so abrogated the convicts had left their districts without asking permission . The case had been brought before a magistrate , who thought that at least it was doubtful

      whether the old rule now applied to ticket-of _ leave men , and recommended a compromise reserving the question of the legality of leaving * police districts without permission . On . this decision being given , Sir William Denison immediately revoked the tickets of leave , and sent the alleged offenders to a penal settlement . Sir Gkouob Grry made a lame defence of the conduct of Sir William , and took refuge in an appeal to the passions of the House by dwelling upon the " grave offence " ¦

      which the political convicts had committed , and the " great indulgence ' ' with which they had been treated , and vindicating Sir William on the ground that they had acted in " disobedience to the regulations applicable to ticket-of-leave holders , " and insinuating that the convicts had broken their engagement not to attempt to escape from the colony . In the absence of official document , Mr . Humb and Colonel Dunnk recommended that the motion should be withdrawn , and it was withdrawn accordingly .

      The House then resolved itself into a committee on the Naval Estimates . The whole discussion turned upon points of detail in dealing with half-pay and retired officers , and in the management of naval stores . Sir F . . Baking moved the first vote , "which was of U 718 , 647 half-pay and retirement to officers of the navy and Royal Marines . A discussion ensued upon the Government

      proposition for organizing a retired Hat , into which a certain number of lieutenants , commanders , and captains , who hud not been employed niloat during the last twenty years were to be drafted and placed upon permanent half-pay , the active list being thus weeded of a large number of practically unavailable officers . Ultimately the vote passed , with the understanding that the new plan for retirement was to have a fair trial . The next vote proposed was £ 843 , li )' . i , a sum which Mr . Hume moved should bo reduced to onethird , for imvul mores , repairs , and steam machinery . recommended that " tanned sailn " navy ; and Admiral Bhukemsy by asking whether Mr . been up on ft topsail yard , adding , e to see the honourable g ( i « tl <; - snil in n galo of wind . The ivt ' opiH > neni » o {^ r . iiumet Mi ( i |

      Mr . Cobden his Chief lupporter . On a division there were—For Mr . HuWe ' s amendment , 38 ; against it , 106 . Majority against , 68 . A variety of Bmall sums were then voted for naval purposes ; the House resumed ; and shortly after-Wards adjourned at one o'clock .

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      FRENCH POLITICS . The revision party have lustained a comparative defeat in th « nomination of the Commission tt > report on the projects of revision . The Assembly met in the bureaux on the 6 th of June . The result of their deliberations and votes was the election of fourteen commissioners , of whom four Republicans and one Orleaniate were opposed to revision . The representatives elected were MM . Montalembert , Moulin , Dufour , de Melun , de Broglie , Odilon Barrot , de Tocqueville , Berryer , and de Corcelles , —revisionists for different reasons ; and Cavaignac , Charras , Jules Favre , Charamaule , and de Mornay , opposed to revision . In the first bureau M . deMontalembert said : —

      " As to the objection made against the revision in the present case on account of the law of the 31 st May , he had to reply that that measure had nothing whatever to do with the question . He was opposed to the proposition of M . Larabit , because it confined itself to the reeligibility of the President ; and he disapproved of that of M . Payer , because , though it spoke of the revision of several articles , yet it had forgotten that when once a constituent assembly was elected nothing could prevent it revising as much or as little as it pleased . It was the third proposition , that of M . de Broglie , which could be accepted ,

      because it made no restriction in the mode or extent of the revision . As to the object of such revision , M . de Montalembert did not conceal that his preferences were altogether in favour of a monarchy ; but he believed that at the present time France was too disturbed in its ideas , too much , moved by revolution , to support that form of government . He did not believe that the nation would at present declare in favour of the monarchical form of government , and Bince the Republic was to subsist for some time longer , he desired to see it rendered as supportable as possible . "

      M . Moulin , elected by the second bureau , declared that a total revision was necessary ; that the dismissal of the Cavaignac Ministry on the accession of Louis Napoleon to power , was a protest againstN ^ ie constitution ; and that the country had pronounced its opinion by rejecting the majority of the constituents at the elections . M . de Larochejaquelin , in the fourth bureau , pointed out the weakness of the majority , who demanded the revision , each section , for different reasons : —

      "It were better for the dignity of the noble party to which he belonged not to take part in such a spectacle of the weakness of the party of order . What , besides , he would ask , would become of the party of order at the elections for a constituent ? The Legitimists , the OrleanisU , and the Bonapartists would each have their candidate ; they would oppose each other , and make way for Socialism , against which terror now formed a union without principles . For his part he only knew two principles —the Republic or the Monarchy . By duty , by reason , and by conscience he was a Legitimist , but he would defend the Republic against any bastard government . " In the fifth bureau , M . de Mornay , Orleanist , who was elected by twenty-nine to eighteen against M . Droujn de Lhuys , declared against all revision as dangerous ]

      M . Beryer , in the seventh bureau , admitted that the constitution was the safeguard of the country , and that , however it might need revision , he would not vote for that revision unless it were done in a legal and regular manner , M . de Corcelles likewise demanded legal revision . The main interest , however , attuches to the speeches of MM . de Falloux and Leon Faucher , in the ninth bureau , in - which M . de Broglie was elected : — " M . de Falloux . —I could not at the present moment accept the laborious office of being a member of the committee which is about to be named . But the gravity of the circumstances , and the presence of the Minister of the Interior in this bureau , impose it on me as a duty to submit to you in a few words , my thoughts on what ought to be the aim of each member of the committee . The Moniteur of the 2 nd of June was perfectly correct in saying that the intercut of France is superior to thut of all purtieH , and that the Government ought to place itself in a position to be ubove them all ; but it ifl neither by offensive allusions , nor by violence , that Much a mission can bo accomplished , if even the indication be gifen thut it in understood and will be carefully prosecuted . It must not cither be forgotten that in France parties , ir . the acceptation , a little elevated and a little poiiticul , of the word , represent henceforward something else besides passions or egotism ; " they represent also interests , principles , and fundamental conditions , which it is not in the power of any person to destroy ; but which , on the contrary , ought to be conciliuttU and induced to coopcruto for the common sufcty . Do you Buppoac that you elevate authority in France when you attack , under a false and calumnious name—that of ancient regime—the principles and the men of tho monarchy ? Do you suppose that you reaped liberty when you dtiginutize hi the uume time , under the nuaie of fuc turns and intrigucH , the principles of our thirty years of constitutional Government , as well as men who still

      preserve some parliamentary habits and susceptibilities ? Do you wish to ttropgle against anarchical passions , and at the •*¦>• time to flatter that which is of all things the most anarchical , the Government of one—to calumniate fell the political situations honourably achieved , and all tne services which have been honourably rendered ? Do you want to endeavour to oppose Utopian schemes , and at the same time to aim at the most chimerical project of all—that of a personal and isolated Government , opposing the sole prestige Tof a name to the real difficulties of each step and each ho « ? I am profoundly grieved that any official act should call forth such questions . For my part , I have had the honour , for a time , of seconding the President in a quite different policy ; I do not ,

      consequently , think that I am wanting in any respect when I remind him of the fact , or when I persevere in my former course . I never spoke to my friends or my adversaries but in such language as permitted , with frank and sincere act of conciliation , every honourable effort in view of the good of the country and of that alone . I am less than ever disposed to change such sentiments and such language ; but they are entitled to reciprocity , and where that should not be afforded the country will know how to immediately discern the fact , and the motives which prompted it , and the extent of the responsibility attached to such conduct . In consequence , I propose that the

      member whom we name to the committee shall support the revision in that sense—that is , in seeking out in all their liberty and all their extent the real durable wants of the country , and in paying attention absolutely to them alone . And when the Government is thus warned , let it be well understood that such warning is not given it through jealousy , but , on the contrary , from a sad prevision of the dangers in which it may be placed . Every exclusive power will henceforward inevitably perish in France —we as well as you , you as well as we—and with the first Government that will so perish all society will run the risk of falling to pieces .

      " The Minister of the Interior ( M . Leon Faucher ) : I did not wish to speak in this preliminary discussion . The Government has not taken the initiative in the proposition submitted to you ; it belongs to the Assembly . The Government thinks that the constitution should be revised ; it unites in the wish which it considers as being that of the immense majority in the Assembly and in the country . But until the moment arrives for the public discussion it thinks it its duty to act with great reserve . The bureau will , therefore ^ permit me to confine myself to this declaration of my opinion , without entering into further developments . What has been just stated by the honourable M . de Falloux obliges me , however , to

      reply . There are here three members of the Cabinet formed by the President of the Republic on December 20 , 1848 . My honourable friend M . de Falloux has there left souvenirs which will never be effaced from my memory . These souvenirs give me the right to tell him that the policy with which he inspired the Cabinet on December 25 is the same as that which animates the present Ministry . M . de Falloux is mistaken as to the bearing of the speech delivered by the President of the Republic . At a solemn moment when the country had its eyes fixed on him , the President was obliged to explain his ideas . He was compelled to say what he was and what he was not , separating himself equally from a past which would not return , and from a

      chimerical future . The President of the Republic has been often and unjustly attacked ; he makes use of no reprisals . He explained himself as to his ideas , and committed no act of aggression against persons . The honourable M . de Falloux declines for himself and his political friends any kind of joint responsibility with retrograde doctrines . I accept from my heart this declaration . I always thought that he belonged to a generation which was necessarily impregnated with the spirit of the age . I will add that , far from rejecting the cooperation of the honourable M . de Falloux and of his friends , we call for it with our wishes

      and our efforts . The Government proposes , before all things , the union of the two great powers of the Btate . Far from wishing to divide the majority , it labours to strengthen and to extend it . It believes that the bond formed by the friends of order is not too compact , and that society requires all its force against anarchy ; it knows that the great shades of opinion of which the majority is composed differ in some tendencies , but it also believes that these opinions have still more common tendencies , and it would reproach itself if it said a word or did an act which might compromise that accord on which the safety of all depends . " M . Larabit boldly declared that the object of his proposition was to effect the legal reelection of the President . General Cavaignac would vote against all propositions for revision because they contained a covert attack upon the ltepublic ; and he could not admit that any one had a right to propose a return to monarchy . M . Bineau thought all return to monarchy impossible under the circumstanceH . All that ought to be attempted -was to ameliorate the constitution of the Republic . M . Mol 6 declared that if the Republic came out of this trial triumphant , it would be impreimuble and incontestable .

      The fifteenth bureau ha , vo elected M . Haze , the renowned parliamentary quuHtor , and approved anti-Bonupartist . lie is decidedl y opposed to all revision . In thiH bureau , aluo , M . de Linnartiiu ; declurcd that he should hold himself a traitor to the Republic if ho voted lor tho revision while the law of the . 'Ust of May remained unrepvalcd . The Aaaemblt ' o Nulionalo in furious against the Dijon speech . ' Fusion " is at a discount . Their organ at once passionately attacks the President , and uneem at tho •* eighty leagues of acclamations going , uud

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      PARLIAMENT OF THE WEEK .

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      ^ 550 J&t ) t ILtaKtX : [ Saturday

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 14, 1851, page 550, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1887/page/2/