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Leader (1850-1860), 19th April 1851, Edition Town of 1, Page 374, mjraa nf tjr* Ifonplt

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      Untitled Article

      plicable to meet the expenditure of such a period ; and treating the whole amount as an addition of £ 1 , 000 , 000 to the permanent debt of the state , it is clearly no such addition to the burdens of the state as to involve a regular Government in difficulties to exhaust its . trea-Bury , to justify new and vexatious imposts , and to require economics involving breaches of the public faith . The Papal Government has , it is true , withdrawn the alloyed currency from circulation ; but it was sold at Genoa for 300 , 000 scudi . One law of the revolutionary Government it has takrn care to confirm ; it is that which took away the right of interest on the old debentures of state , producing already a saving of 230 , 000 scudi . It has pitilessly dismissed 2000 old employes , to the ruin of numerous families and at the cost of much

      embarrassment in public affairs ; gaining , however , thereby , 480 000 scudi per year . It has taken from 500 pensioners the bread of their old age , saving 60 , 000 scudi per annum . It has reduced its own army ( thanks to foreign bayonets ) one-third , thus diminishing its annual cost by 1 , 800 , 000 scudi . It has confiscated the property of republicans . It has taken 100 , 000 scudi from the Monte di Pieta . It has increased the public debt 750 , 000 scudi , by consolidating its own paper money at a reduction of fifteen per cent . It has increased the predial taxes , and endeavoured to anticipate them ; it has raised the price of salt , renewed the exaction of the duties on flour , on drinks , and of tolls ; it has doubled the registry duties , trebled those on stamps , and passed a recent law imposing a new tax on all industry , arts , and trades .

      The impoverishment of the Papal treasury , its monetary difficulties , the necessity in which it finds itself of endeavouring to raise money at whatever discount by loans , is attributable , therefore , not to the expenditure of the republic , but to the sums which it requires for its spies , its police , and its foreign soldiery , and for the profligate expenditure of its own hierarchy . 3 . L 1 BEBAL AND PHILANTHROPIC INTENTIONS OF THE POPE . The message of the President of the French Republic declared hypocritically that the constant aim of that government was to forward the liberal and philanthropic intentions of the Holy Father ; that the Pontifical Government continued to realize the promises contained in the Motu Proprio of September , 1849 ; that some of the organic laws had already been published ; and that those intended to perfect the administrative and military organization of the state of the church would be so shortly . And the President further declared that the arms of France were yet necessary to maintain order in Rome . Now , what are the deeds of the "liberal and philanthropic" Holy Father ? He promised an amnesty . But from the amnesty are excluded all the members of the Assembly , even those who voted against the proclamation of the Republic ; as also the members of the Provisional Government , who sent the 50 , 000 seudi to Gaeta , and the members of the Republican Government , and all officers of military corps . In the application of the amnesty they treat as an officer excluded from pardon every soldier who , even on a single occasion , may have had the control ol ten men . Those who trusted to the promise have found themselves in a worse condition than if excluded from the amnesty . Thousands of the amnestied groan in prison , where they have been for upwards of a year without trial ; incarcerated there under the pretext that with a political offence is often associated a private crime , or in consequence of vague suspicions of the police , or of the private hatred of a spy . Dismissals from service have been inflicted in such u manner as not . only to ruin but . to insult and degrade ; they have purposely , in the same decree , punished the common rogue , and avenged themselves upon the liberal politician . And those who have thus suffered as liberal politicians have not been only the Republicans , but the followers of Rossi , men opposed to the Republic , applauders of the illusory reforms of 184 ( 5 . At Rome whoever is not a Jesuit is considered as a rebel . The second promise of the Pope wan a municipal organization . Confront the new law with that of l'ius VII . in 1816 , and it is evident , that the philanthropic und liberal intentions of the Pope tend only to restrict still more the few already existing franchises . The number of representatives of the principal places in the provinces ia reduced from forty-eight to thirty six ; and from eig hteen to ten in the lesn populous communes ; tne councils are to be renewed trienuially iimtead of biennial ) y . The number of electors is reduced , so a a to be : only six limes that of the representatives ; for instance , in Bologna , a city of more than 70 , 000 inhabitants , there are only 21 ( 5 electors . New restrictions sire placed on the choice of municipal representative )) , confining them more stiic'ly to the wealthy ; and a Government certificate of good relig ious and political conduct is required , so that , whoever has rendered himself obnoxious by speaking against , a minister is excluded . In the same manner , but in much greater detail than our space has allowed us even in the matters which we have already touched upon , the document in question proceeds to analyze and compart ; the proniises mid pcrfoi inances ol tlie government of the l'opr with nspce : to the . long tulked-of Consultative Assembly lor matiir , of finance ; the council of stute ; the ( loiuinisHion ol ! a « reform ; and the lay ministry ; showing , conclusively , that , every pro , » OH « 'd or accomplished change is a retro giessioii or a deception ; and that in nil dep . w l . inents of government , in justice , in finance , in education , in home or foreign affair- * , in cuil or military administration , all the real power is confined more strictly than ever in the humltt of the ( . ' unlinalrt and Je . MiitH , without publicity oi responsibility , without real law or order , and at the cost of the commercial ruin and irretrievuble financial embarrassment of the States . And thin is the condition of Rome at the clone of 1 H /) O , under a Government which foreign power * have restored , and now maintain by foice of arms ngiiimt . the wishes of the entire population , und Which could not . exist a . single day without their aid .

      Untitled Article

      LETTERS TO CHARTISTS . IX . The Convention—Its Features and CKAltACTElt . The propositions affirmed by the Convention—an elaboration of the programme of business read by Mr . Thornton Hunt to the Executive—ate too numerous to admit of complete noticp . Some further points admit , however , of useful specification . Beyond the question ot policy involving the attitude of Chartists towards the middle class , stated in last week ' s letter , the temper of the delegates was generally excellent . All disowned any disposition to offer opposition to any party around them whose views were similar to their own .

      On the nationalization of land moderate views were universally expressed . Only one delegate objected to the compensation of the- present proprietors ; and to him even Mr . Ernest . Tones replied , " We must either pay for the land in money or blood , " and he gave his vote in favour of the money . Mr . Reynolds was similarly decisive . A very few months ago a Democratic Convention was assembled at , John-street to effect an alliance between the political and social ideas of the . day . It then seemed a task of arduous and unlikely accomplishment , and a Committee of Observation was appointed to enforce that union upon the country if the Chartist Executive failed to agree to it . The fact is Hi ^ niiicint of the progress of opinion , Unit this Convention , composed oi old Chartists , were all communistic . The programme of the Executive was frequently amended iu communistic

      respects . Many will be surprised that , the Chartists , who will brook compulsion in nothing , should have voted for " compulsory" education ; but in this respect they revealed creditable tendencies not supposed to exist among the working classes . Regarding knowledge as a right , and ignorance as disieputulde , they expressed their wish that , public instruction should be made imperative . That , new feature in Chartist , politics , the consideration of the army , and the ; pracliei . l sense of the conclusion to which they came , is an evidence either of ready capacity or matured views which could not bo foreseen . If the army

      reform in advocated judiciously , it will noon affect the attitude of the governing classes towards the people . The manner of speech winch obtained in this Convention wan generally as lemarkablc us the new principles debated there . Instead of the grandiloqiu ney of language hitherto ho common , of myin !» " weaie deputed by the country , " thoHpe ike . r who fell into the idiom , would often ( not ill ways ) correct himself and say , ' that is by that . part . of the country concerned in our election . " Instead of " we legislate for the . public , " the more exact , phrase wus employed , the " Chartist public . " The speeches were , short beyond any precedent in Huch assemblies . There

      was no violence , there was no " blood and thunder ;" the honourable member for Nottingham only told us twice how much he had sacrificed for the charter , and only repeated once Alderman Brook's maxim , and then he had the good taste to stop short at " The Lord love ye ! " " - Perhaps the Convention sat too long . It will seem to most persons that three or four days were sufficient to do all that that assembly could usefully attempt . It had only to agree on two or three principles of action , and take steps for realizing them .

      Instead of this , they have fabricated a programme so elaborate , that one is inclined to think they thought themselves called upon to set the world to rights . They debated many propositions which can never come to issue for years , and they spent hours upon the phraseology of propositions which will be altered twenty times before the day comes when the Chartists can interfere with them . As a debating assembly , this elaborate attention was in its favour ; but as Chartists already have a sufficient reputation for talking , an addition to their fame in the way of practical action would be more of a novelty .

      One feature in modern Conventions has been the grandiose imitation of the French revolutionary assemblies . Some have imitated Robespierre , some Saint Just , some Marat . With the exception of the last-named , the imitations have been very faint . But at this Convention there was a manifest return to English good sense of minding our own business in a sober Saxon way . Even our mother tongue came into more frequent use , and bourgeoise and proletariat were seldom heard .

      Too many persons constantly regard Chartism as having ability only to impede , and if it should appear to them that this Convention had merely neutralized the capacity for obtructiveness ascribed to Chartism , they would be gratified and become cooperative with the people . Such persons may prepare to help . The new attitude of Chartism commands , on the whole , respect ; and those who stood aloof on the grounds alluded to have no further justification for inactivity and isolation . The Convention closed its sittings on the 10 th of April . What a progress three years have shown !

      One curious—one might say conspicuous—result is connected with the debates of the Assembly . An expression of opinion was agreed to that the letters of Mr . O'Connor in the Northern Star , relating . to the refugee conspiracy , were undemocratic in spirit , and discredited by the Convention as to facts . Last Saturday Mr . O'Connor published his explanations on the matter , declaring that if any of the refugees were in distress , he would sell his coat off his back to assist them . This is certainly an unlooked-for dedication . As numerous refugees of unimpeachable character are

      in this country , and are in serious need , no doubt that before this time a deputation , consisting of Mr . Linton and Mr . Brown , have already waited on the honourable member for Nottingham , and have received his coat for the subscrip tion list . Unless Mr O'Connor happens to have one of those fustian jackets by him , in which he used to address the "Imperial Chartists , " we shall find , him next week addressing the House of Commons in his shirt sleeves John O'Conn ell dying on the floor of the House monthly is nothing to this . Ion .

      Untitled Article

      The Executive Committee of the National Charter Association held their first meeting since the sitting of the Convention on Wednesday evening , John Milne in the chair . Messrs . Holyoake and Jones were appointed a deputation to wait on Sir George Grey with the memorial adopted by the Convention on behalf of Frost , Williams , Jones , and Ellis . It was agreed that Messrs . Arnott , Hunt , and Jones be appointed a sub-committee , to draw up an address to the country . The secretary reported that he had forwarded copies of the programme—as amended by

      the Convention—to the whole of the daily journals ; and also to twenty-one of the weekly journals . It was agreed Unit 6000 copies of the programme be printed for general circulation throughout the country . The ( secretary wus instructed to make arrangements for holding a neries of district public meetings in the metropolis , for the purpose of taking into consideration the programme adopted by tho Convention , the first to b <; held at the Phoonix Tavern , lintel iff cross , as early ns possible . After the transaction of ; finaiiei : d and other business , tho committee adjourned to next Wednesday evening .

      National Kkvorm Lkaovis . —At a meeting of tho Council on Monday last , it . wan unanimousl y resolved , That the thanks of 'he Council he given to MeusrH . Iluuniball ami ( irahain , of tho Chartist Convention , and their colleagucH , for the support they gave in voting for the principle , a true money , based on real , consumable wealth , aa laid down in the uixth proposition of tho leugue . On Monday evening , the 7 th instant , Mr . Syme , of Sunder land , delivered an eloquent and imprcHsive lecture on " Ma / . zini and the Pope , '' to u crowded audience , in tho Kearnen ' H IIall , South Shields . Mr . Syme regards Popery as the embodiment of policy , expediency , and conventionalism , iih oppoHcd to principle , justice , und truth , and believes that it can never be beaten with its own weapons—Shields Gazette .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF EDINBURGH AND HAMPSHIRE . Hammersmith , April 17 , 1851 . Fellow Chartists , —In sending to you a corrected copy of the Programme for future agitation , as it was finally adopted by the Convention , it will not be necessary for me to add many words . As your delegate , and as a representative of the Chartist body in general , my efforts were mainly directed to three points . First , I sought to develope every facility for a thorough and hearty union between the political agitation of the Charter and Social Reform . Secondly , I sought to obtain new facilities for drawing recruits from the great body of the working population , by rendering our excellent machinery immediately and practically available in the vindication of working-class rights . Without in the slightest degree flagging in the efforts for the Charter , we might place our practised organization at the service of the working classes as a great agent for enforcing attention to ' a declaration of their grievances , and for procuring those remedies which could not even now be denied to the general acclaim of the People . Meanwhile the working classes would learn to appreciate the value , both of our exertions , and of our ultimate obiect .

      Thirdly , I sought to give our agitation , from this point , a character less of literary or oratorical discussion , and more of practical action . If in those respects the result has not been quite equal to my wish , I think you will agree with me , that , in the main , the Programme lays down princip les which are satisfactory , and opens the path for a vigorous agitation . It will , in great part , depend upon the localities to give that agitation a practical and active character . For myself , while I have the honour to enjoy the confidence of my electors , I shall deem it my duty to continue , as diligently as slowly reviving health will permit , in the course which I have interpreted to be the general wish of the Chartist body . Believe me to be your faithful servant , Thoiinton Hunt .

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      374 Jfffte ILea&et . [ Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), April 19, 1851, page 374, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1879/page/20/