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    The question of church rates was brought forward in the House of Commons on Tuesday by Mr . Tke-IiAWNT , who moved for a select committee to consider the law relating to this vexatious burden . In England the law of church rates rests upon the two Braintree cases , from which it appears to be established that the minority of the ratepayers may impose a rate upon the majority . In Ireland they had got rid of several bishoprics , and had abolished church rates , making the repairs of the churches a charge upon all ecclesiastical benefices . That was a precedent for ¦ what he proposed . Mr . Hardcastle , who seconded

    the motion , considered that the laying of the church rate upon Dissenters was pretty much akin to persecution . Lord John Russell agreed that it was highly desirable that some attempt should be made to settle the church rate question , and , therefore , he gave his willing assent to the motion . Sir Robert Inglis did not object to the appointment of a committee , because it did not pledge the House to a particular course of action , but he denied that the law regarding church rates was uncertain . Since the decision in the Braintree case he believed that no question of law had been more satisfactorily settled than that of church rates . Mr . Bright said the law

    on this question was very like the Duke of Wellington ' s description of martial law—it was no law at 11 : — " Hardly any two lawyers in the kingdom would give the same opinion upon a point relating to church rates . This might be a reason for the appointment of a committee . But he was not very sanguine that this committee would do what was right to be done ; and , in truth , no committee was needed , for almost every one was convinced that it would be better for all parties if church rates did not exist at all . Good churchmen—the really pious men who wanted to live in harmony with their neighbours , loving their own faith , and desiring that every one should follow his faith , and that all should observe the holy precepts set forth for us in the New

    Testament—such churchmen , who might be counted by thousands in the church—( hear , hear )—would be thoroughly glad if this question was settled for ever . ( Hear , hear ) Why could it not be ? It was but a question involving some £ 200 , 000 or £ 250 , 000 a-year . In Manchester there had been no church rate for fifteen years ; it had been refused ; but there had been an optional rate collected—those paying who liked . It might be said the great bulk did not like —( a laugh )—taxes were not agreeable things , especially to men who did not get an advantage from paying them . But would it have been a good thing for the church that , during the last fifteen years , there should have been contests upon this question ? Had it not been far better that it was allowed to drop , the contributions of those who were willing to pay being taken ?"

    The motion was agreed to , after a few remarks in favour of it from Mr . Heyworth , Mr . Lennard , Mr . Cowan , and Mr . A . B . Hope . The latter said he did not regard church rates as the immutable foundation of his faith ; but , although he thought it desirable that this question should be investigated , he did not consider a committee of that House the best machinery to investigate any question connected with the ecclesiastical affairs of his or any other religious

    denomination . The evils of the laissez faire system were forcibly exhibited by Lord Ashley , in moving for leave to bring in a bill to encourage the construction of lodging-houses for the working-classes . This , he eaid , was a question of vital importance to these classes ; he had studied the subject for many years , and the result of his experience was , that very great evils existed which might be much mitigated . Ho described the condition of the stationary and of the migratory classes of the poor ; drawing a fearful picture of the overcrowded dormitories in certnin localities in the metropolis—receptacles , he observed ,

    where nine-twentieths of its crimes were hatched , and diseases were engendered and propagated . The haunts to which the migratory class resorted were still worse ; fifty-eight persona , of both sexes and of all ages , had been found herding together in a single room , breathing a pes tiferous atmosphere , and swarming with vermin . This state of things was not confined to London ; almost all the groat towns , as he showed , exhibited similar horrors , and it involved the welfaro of the whole community , for these receptacles were the hotbeds of fever and cholera .

    Lord Ashley explained the main provisions of the bill , which would be permissive only , and then anticipated objections to his proposal . One objection wan that thcro would be an increase of rent , which working people could not pay ; but ho answered , first , that superior health and increased diligence would enuble them to pay a higher rent ; but , aecondly , the experiment of the model houses showed that comfortahlo habitations might bo provided at a diminished rout , especially ufter the repeal oi the brick and window duties . Ho demonstrated that

    tho construction of those houses was largely remunerative , so much so thut ho wus sure if tho expense of churters was reduced , with limited liability , building associations would be' formed among tho working clusseB themselves . We hud never tented the energy and cupacity of those classes , and this bill was intended to remove tho fatal impediments to their exercise , by improving their domiciliary condition . Mr . SLANGY said tliero woro thouatmds of persons all oycr

    the country who were anxious to unite for the purpose of establishing model lodging-houses , but were deterred from doing so lest they should bring themselves within the law of partnership , and become liable to the whole amount of their fortunes . That obstacle to improvemrnt ought to be removed . The health of the working man was his property . Let them watch over it as they watched over the property of every other class in the kingdom , and they would be repaid with gratitude . Mr . Hume , while supporting the motion , ascribed the miseries of our working classes to our institutions , and to the

    inattention of the Government to the instruction of the masses . We should legislate for the intellectual as well as the physical wants of the people . Sir George G-rey believed that the statements of Lord Ashley were too true as to the state of things that prevailed in large towns from the ill-constructed , illventilated houses , destructive alike of the physical health and of the morality of the working classes ; but the House must suspend its judgment of the bill of the noble lord until it was before them . He understood it to be perfectly permissive , and to be framed on the model of the Baths and Washhouses Act : —

    " But they must not look to measures of this kind alone to remove all the evils , and . he believed the noble lord indicated means by which still greater good , could be attained than by this bill , namely , that of encouraging associations for the purpose of removing the obstacles that now existed in the way of fiscal arrangements for carrying out the object in view . A difficulty had occurred , as had been stated by his honourable friend behind him , in consequence of the law of partnerships ; but a committee sat upon that subject last year , and another committee had been appointed this year , to inquire into it , and the subject also of the expense of charters for such associations was now under the consideration of the Government . "

    Lord Claude Hamilton complained of the great cost of charters for associations , such as would be required before lodging-houses could be built by combined subscription . Mr . Labouchere stated that the subject was already under consideration , and a correspondence was now pending with the Treasury , which he trusted would result in a very considerable diminution in the expense of obtaining charters of

    Association . Leave was then given to bring in the bill . A short discussion on the state of Ireland , altogether unworthy of so important a question , took place in the House of Commons , on Tuesday evening . Sir H . Barrow moved that the House resolve itself into a committee with a view to relieve the distress there existing . In describing the condition of the Irish peasantry , he compared the position of that country in 1845 and at the present time , tracing its distress to

    three main causes—the famine , the change in the corn law , and the disastrous poor-law , expatiating upon the character and effects of this law , which he represented as increasing , not diminishing , pauperism . Meanwhile taxation was augmenting , corn tillage was decreasing , as well as the export of swine , so that the value of produce exported was £ 8 , 000 , 000 less in 1849 than in 1845 ; landed property was selling at fourteen and even twelve years' purchase , and house property had fallen sixty per cent . The distress now witnessed was unknown in that House , and deemed incredible

    by Englishmen ; but he attributed it altogether to bad legislation . On another side ho found that crimes against property had swollen fourfold , as exhibited by the returns of committals ; that the customs receipts had diminished , and the circulating medium of commerce enormously contracted . He called on tho Legislature to examine inio the causes of this wretched and impoverished condition of Ireland , and on the Ministry to provide a remedy ; if they would not , by confessing their impotence , and acknowledge themselves unfit to hold tho reins of Government . Sir Lucius O'Bjukn , who seconded the motion , added a variety of instances to show the exorbitant increase in the number and cost of Irish paupers .

    Sir William Somkuvillh admitted that the country was far from prosperous , but pauperism had diminished , the area of cultivated land somewhat enlarged , and the exports of certain descriptions also increased . Immigration , which was now quoted as a symptom of misgovernment , had often been praised in that House , und its encouragement enjoined upon the Ministry as one of their chief duties . The last returns of criminal offences corroborated the inferences drawn from the accounts of pauperism and produce , and showed , like them , that the tide of amelioration had begun to flow . To the complaints that Ireland had been neglected by the Legislature ,

    he replied , by pointing to the fact , thut , since 1840 , thirteen coinmissionu hud issued , and sixty-three committees ol" Lords and Commons had sat to inquire into all sortH of social and political questions relating to that country . He hoped thut the motion would bo negatived . It wus calculated to excite false hopes , and could result in no practical advantages . Mr . M . J . O'Connkm , declared his intention to vote for the committee , but , at , the sumo time , declared his conviction that any retrograde stops , either with the poor law or the corn law , would piovo most disastrous to Ireland . Mr . JSuauman CJiiawi'diid proposed to umend the resolution by inkling u ucntunco

    directing the investigations of the committee towards the present landlord and tenant law . Lord John opposed the motion on the ground that a committee to consider the whole tangled question of the condition of Ireland must be totally unavailing . The House having divided , the numbers were : — For the motion . J 29 Against it .. 1 « ' ° Majority 9 The Smithfield Enlargement Bill was thrown , out , on its second reading , on Wednesday ,. by a majority of 246 against 124 . Mr . Wakley , Sir James Duke , Sir C . Knightley , Mr . K . Seymer , Mr . S . Wortley , Mr . Alderjnan Sidney , and Mr . Stafford , all spoke in favour of the Corporation bill . Mr . Hume thought that it should be referred to the committee on the

    Smithfield-market Removal Bill . The simple question was , which of the two plans , looking at the evidence , was preferable . Lord John Russell said it was his duty , as a Member of that House , if the interests of his constituents did not coincide with those of the kingdom at large , to prefer the latter . The question was not as to two competing schemes , but whether Smithfield-market should be removed from , its present site to another to be selected by commissioners . With an increasing population , it would be almost impossible to enlarge the present area sufficiently without destroying valuable property , a sacrifice to be compensated by an increase of tolls .

    This was part of a great public question , affecting the health of 2 , 500 , 000 of the community . The Corporation measure having been ( disposed of , Mr . C . Lewis moved the second reading of the Smithfield-market Removal Bill . Various explanations were asked and given upon the subject of this bill , against which a protest was entered by Mr S . Wortley , on the ground that it transferred to the Crown a chartered right of the city of London . A division having taken place , the second reading was carried by 230 against 65 . Upon the question that the bill be referred to a select committee , Mr . Hume complained that the

    Corporation had not a fair hearing , and protested against depriving the city of the management of its own affairs , and giving it to commissioners paid by public money . Lord John Russell affirmed that Government ha d only the public advantage in view . Sir H . Willoughby characterized the bill , which took away chartered rights without compensation , as a direct act of confiscation . Mr . S . Wortley inquired whether the city could by counsel oppose the bill ? The Speaker replied in the affirmative . Some further discussion took place , and the bill was ultimately referred to a select committee . The large question of colonial expenditure was brought under discussion on Thursday , by Sir William Moleswoiith , in moving the following

    resolutions : — " 1 . That it is the opinion of this House that steps should be taken to relieve this country , as speedily as possible , from its present civil and military expenditure on account of the colonies , with the exception of its expenditure on account of military stations or convict settlements . 2 . That it is expedient at the same time to give to the inhabitants of the colonies which are neither military stations nor convict settlements ample powers lor their local self-government , and to free them from that Imperial interference with their affairs which ia inseparable from their present military occupation . "

    One of his chief reasons for asking the House to reconsider this subject was the strong desire which existed amongst various classes to repeal certain ol . noxious taxes . That could not be done without » large reduction of the national expenditure , and the only direction in which that could be effected , without injury either to the colonies or to Great Jtritain , was in our colonial expenditure . He went on to show that in 184 G-7 ( since which time there are no complete returns ) the whole colonial military expendituio amounted to £ -1 , 000 , 000 . At that time the military force in the colonies amounted to 4 / 5 , 727 , and the question for them to consider was whether they require to maintain so large a force at the expense of this country : —

    " Great Britain hud long been , and , in the opinion of its statesmen , of its l ' arliument , and its people , ought to continue to be t'HHent . ially a naval power ; it uupired to he the iirwt naval power on the earth , to curry on commerce in every portion of the globe , and to protect that , commerce with its fleets , ft desired thut . those fleets should patrol the ocean , and be the maritime police of mankind , la order to refit those fleets , to afford shelter to tln-rn , mid to give protection to its merchant ships when war was raging , it hud been the policy of the statesmen of Euglund , with the consent and approbation of the people and Parliament , to take military poKHtnnion of harbours in various parts of the world . ( Hear , hear . ) Assuming this policy to be a houiiu one , he u » k « xl what wore the

    rates which should determine tho number <»» ' « ur military stations and the selection of their « li * M ? ( Hear , hear . ) lie thought the rule should lM > JWfct , Kubjcct to the condition « if accomp lishing the ftftOts of the naval policy of Great Britain , our military ntntioua huouIu lie as few in number an poHBible , and that each station Hhould bo selected ho as to cost lit * little as possible . They Hhould be an few in number an noKHible , for evory military nation must coat u con-Hidcruolc Hiun of money annually ; therefore , « vor superfluous inilimiy Hlation was a permanent source of unueoeHHury cxpeiiHC ; it wits also u aourcu of wcukncjun , tor uu umpire wua Htrojig , cojteria inuibuH , in ,

    Untitled Article

    April 12 , 1851 . ] ® f > £ fLiafrliV 335

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), April 12, 1851, page 335, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1878/page/3/