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If the Prime Minister really contemplated the Anti-Popish agitation which he fostered as a means of diverting public attention from more practical affairs , and so getting over the Session with less trouble to himself , but only an appearance of trouble , the actual effect seems likely to be the very opposite . That next Session will be unusualJy busy and eventful is a general impression , and the public is preparing its ideas to make it so . Anti-Popery itself has branched off into questions that look likely to be full of perplexing work . Ireland presents some new difficulties ; one in a branch of that Anti-Popish matter ; another , the resistance to the removal of the Irish Court : then there will be
repeal of taxes not included in the Chancellor of the Exchequer's little plan , whatever that is : certain ideas respecting land , gradually becoming more definite : public education , Financial Reform , and other subjects perhaps even more unpleasant to the Ministerial mind , will assuredly be pressed upon Parliament as the Session advances . The Anti-taxation movement itself , although in part anticipated , may prove no light affair for a feeble Ministry . Divers interests will be upon the Government , besides windows . If there is to be a modified House Tax in lieu of the Window Duty every householder in the country will be more disgusted than pleased by the grudging disappointment . Paper , which includes some influential
interests , is up in arms and cannot safely be soured . 1 he knowledge-taxes will assume a shape difficult to qmet ; and carriages are moving in various parts ot the country . The movement for Chancery Reform goes steadil y forward . The meeting on Thursday was we " . calculated to promote the cause , but , considering the ample materials they possess , it might jiave been rendered much more so . A good selection of cases of oppression and mismanagement well told
, but without exaggeration , should form a prominent feature in the report of every meeting . A single statement that a gentleman has been Kept < jut of £ 70 , 000 or £ 100 , 000 for a life time , by me law ' s delay , i 8 not enough . A clear and graphic narrative of at least one actual case should » o given at each meeting , so as to lay bare the whole machinery of the " fee-gathering system " w » tUe popular prazo . Only let that be done cxtenfliycly , and the work will soon be accomplished .
I ho special embarrassment which Ministers have Provoked for theinselvt-s in Dublin , by proposing «> e abolition of the Viceroyalty , will not be very manageable . Besides the mere Dublin interest , wi Ireland has ho strong a sympathy with local patronage , that it will back its own capital in renting the privation . It certainly is an awkwurd ( Town Edition . ]
feature of " improved government" in Ireland that so much of it assumes a correctional or privative form . English Governments seem chiefly able to " benefit ** Ireland in the form of some punishment or withdrawal . We believe that the trumpery Court does very little good , and much more mischief ; and that , if the Irish People thoroughly understood the question , which they might easily be made to do , they would gladly support the Minister in the measure . But how is he to appeal to the Irish People ? What access has he to them ? The general spirit of his measures lately , especially his Anti-Catholic bearing , has alienated their confidence . The restricted suffrage excludes him from getting at the sentiments of the People ; he is therefore debarred from what might be , that convenient and just appeal . The land question does not bear so directly upon the Ministerial policy ; on the contrary , it practically affords some slight diversion , since it turns the public expectation from the tinkerings with the suffrage to the freehold societies , which are gradually to extend it . In his Bradford speech , Mr . Cobden spoke of these societies as the lever to make the representation popular . Unquestionably they may extend it , not we fear very far beyond the bounds of the middle class ; for , like Savings Banks , Mechanics' Institutions , and other projects for the working classes , it is probable that the benefits will revert in a great proportion to the middle class . The effect which we anticipate from this agitation is , less a direct extension of the suffrage than an indirect influence in making the public in general examine and understand that much larger question , the alienation of the People from the land . It has also a collateral bearing upon the other questions in which the Radical Reformers are now taking a prominent part ; and there is no doubt that the bold , candid tone assumed by Mr . Cobden , Mr . Bright , Mr . Hume , and Mr . Milner Gibson , not only at Bradford and Manchester , but elsewhere—their gradual inception of a plan for consolidating an " independent party" in Parliament , is gaining for them the public confidence , and i « calculated to form the nucleus of a real strength in the Legislature . If they proceed in the same tone , and deal with public < iffuii-8 in the substantial , independent manner which they have worn on the platform , then the whole course of public affairs in Parliament will prove far more usefully beneficial to the country , far more embarrassing to un obstructive and inert Ministry , than it has been for many sessions . The latest meetings on the Anti-Papal subject , besides the special embarrassments which have been indicated to thwart Lord John UubhcII ' h manoeuvre , have this more formidable trait in them , that they hIiovv a rising spirit of common senNC . Lord John RuuHcll has relied upon a blind Protestant bigotry , and he has succeeded in evoking a largo share of I that national feeling ; but wo are disposed to think !
that he cultivated the outburst rather prematurely , and that he will find the effervescence to have died away before it is available for actual use in the House of Commons . At the beginning of the . ag gression , the slightest hint of practical objection was hooted down ; at the later meetings , qualifications have been received with much move temperance and candour . At the Manchester Meetings , where the Radical Members ridiculed the idea of
danger from the Papal Aggression , showed the difficulty of doing anything to encounter it in a substantial way , and exposed the sectarian fears of the Established Church , their sentiments were received with hearty approval . The North Staffordshire Meeting is a good specimen of moderated Anti-Popery . Lord Harrowby ' s speech is as Anti-papistical in its drift as you could have , but it is not wild . He has an eye to practical operations . He made a strong point of the distinction between the Popish Hierarchy in England and the Protestant Episcopal Hierarchy
in Scotland , or the Wesleyan quasi-Hierarchy , by showing that the Roman Catholics derived their authority from a foreign power , which derives its own strength from Austria or from France ; so that the Papal aggression , in his view , insinuates Austrian or French politics into the heart of English society . But when Lord Harrowby places his main reliance on the Protestant feeling of the People , and the practical execution of the laws , against illegal conduct on the part of the Roman Catholics , he reduces the late Protestant tumult to
much ado about nothing ; for the practical bearing of that counsel is entirely prospective . When the Roman Catholics actually proceed to do something which is" illegal , then Lord Harrowby ' s view of public duty will come in force . But , we say , a sensible view of this large question with its branches — the toleration or suppression of Puaeyism , the conflict between Gorhamism and the royal supremacy , the maintenance of a Stateestablished religion—is precisely the opposite to the sort of view which Ministers desired to invite .
If Members become sensible , as well as the public out of doors , the Anti-Popery tumult will serve to increase the work of Ministers instead of superseding their vrork by au uiiBul ) ntaritial series of debating ** . Meanwhile it is ludicrous to see the English alarm about the Papal power , while the very centre of that power exhibits ko many signs of increasing feebleness . It in true that the authorities at Rome
enjoy a very exaggerated idea of the conversions in this country ; that they take Lord and Lady Fc'ilding , Father Newman , and the Abbe Talbot too literally for the English public ; but dreainu of progress in England do not countervail the conseriousness of internal decline . When news of the Ministerial chhih in Paris induces I'ius the Ninth to ask the French commander in Rome whether he , the Pope , hud not better go back to Gneta , in order that he may bo at a safe distance from his own
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VOL . IL—No . 45 . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 1 , 1851 . Price 6 d .
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News OF the "Week— -Page £ 7 Protestantism and Popery 4 . 101 An English Patriot .. 106 Ths Arts—The New French Ministry ........ !» 8 Mr . Bagsliaw and the Bishop of Invasion on the London Working * 7 " The Prisoners of War 110 The Swiss Insurrection 98 London 101 Printers 106 The Cadi ' s Daughter 110 The Behring ' s Straits Expedition .. 98 Spiritual Despotism in Italy 101 The Wants of Royalty 10 ( J Democratic Intelligence—The Tax on Paper 98 Industrial Schools in Ireland 102 Incapacity of the Legislature 100 Letters to Chartists Ill Memorial 99 Chancery Reform .. .. 102 The New Reformation 10 C Associative Pkoorhss— Ill Mr . Cobden at Bradford 99 Apprehension of Mrs . Sloane 10 ; J Social Reform . —XXVII — Difficul- Open Council—Deportation of Children to Bermuda 100 The Fires of the Week 103 ties Teaching 1 Us 106 The Compositors and the " Post" .. Ill The Sailors' Strike 100 A -Marvellous Escape 103 Literature— The Tax upon News 112 The EdinburghEeviewoa" Christian An Unnatural Son 103 The Daughter of Night 108 The Ecclesiastical Courts ' U' 2 Socialism" 100 Miscellaneous 103 The Hand of God in History 108 Bradford Hungarian Committee .... 113 The Queen Dowager ' 3 Annuity 100 Public Affairs— Mackay ' s " Egeria" 109 Commercial Affairs—The Crystal Palace 101 The Manchester Policy ... 103 Books on our Table 110 Markets , Gazettes , &c 114-16 ' - ,. ,, - - — ... - . ——^
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" The one Idea which History exhibits as evermore developing itself into greater distinctness is the Idea ot Humanity—the noble endeavour to throw down all the barriers ereoted between men by prejudice and one-sided views ; and by setting aside the distinctions of Rehsfidn , Country , and Colour , to treat the whole Human race as one brotherhood , having one great object—the free development of our spiritual nature . "—Humboldt ' s Cosmos .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 1, 1851, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1868/page/1/
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